Notes from Maryland: The Perils of Electing a “house Negro”

Determining a “real one” from a “house Negro” is no easy task.

Maryland, by virtue of being the most northern of the country’s southern states, is uniquely positioned to tackle the challenge of ascertaining the validity of one’s card, especially if that person is seeking election as representative of an oppressed people.

Since the gubernatorial election is mere weeks away pitting Dan Cox (R), who has displayed sympathy towards white supremacist ideology against neophyte Wes Moore (D) a Black graduate of Johns Hopkins, it is Baltimoreans’ solemn duty to peel back the layers on the Black man selected by primary voters to impede Cox’s path towards the state’s governorship.

Blacks are unfairly burdened by dual loyalties when attempting to navigate the minefields of combating white supremacy and pursuing political aspirations. In Wes’ case, his origin story has left him vulnerable to critique about his authenticity; Moore enjoys favorable press considering weeks before the election he has been a no-show at the candidate conference and has declined debates. He essentially is playing the I’m Black, vote for me (because the other guy is a white devil) card.

Less Is Known About Wes Moore

Westley “Wes” Watende Omari Moore, an author, motivational speaker and military veteran from the DMV (or maybe even the Bronx, but definitely not from Baltimore) is brand new to politics and has no record to stand on or defend. For someone constantly in the limelight, there is very little known about his politics or his world view beyond talking points.

The grandson of Cuban and Jamaican immigrants gained celebrity status from authoring the biographical 2010 book: The Other Wes Moore, Two Fates. Wes once aspired to be an NBA star and president when he was a teenager. He has come closer to commander and chief than lacing it up against Steph Curry. His Curry is slated to produce a feature film based on the book.

Gov Larry Hogan(R) and Candidate Wes Moore (D) 19 August 2022. Facebook Screengrab.

In 2006-07 while working as an investment banker in New York, Wes served as an assistant to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in George W. Bush’s administration. Although the selection as a White House fellow was seminal moment, Wes claims not to be beholden to either party’s ideology nor does he speak often about either Condi or W. Wes supported Hillary Clinton in the 2008 primaries over the eventual winner, Barack Obama.

Moore is leading in the polls, unlike the last Black man who captured the Dem’s nomination for the state’s executive chair. In the 2018 election, former head of the NAACP, Ben Jealous lost badly to incumbent Larry Hogan who greatly benefited from positive press endorsements and a lack of media scrutiny. Born in raised in California, Jealous’ mother is a native of Baltimore. Jealous’ parents, real ones by any measure, were activists in the monument city during the height of civil rights movement.

Baltimore has a proud history of laudable civil minded leaders that shepherded the city away from its Confederate-leaning roots: Rev. Harvey Johnson, Thurgood Marshall, Lillian Carroll Jackson, Juanita Mitchell, Carl Murphy, Walter P. Carter, Pete Rawlings, and Kurt Schmoke come to mind. The power couple of Willie and Victorine Adams were legendary for their realness. In comparison, Johns Hopkins surgeon and Donald Trump confident Ben Carson (a Detroit native) who Baltimore embraced like one of her own, is someone we would like to forget.

Oreo, Coon, Stepin Fetchit are some of the more incendiary terms tossed around when Blacks reach a status of visibility in established white-led institutions. Being called “house nigga” is the accusation most relevant to the Maryland experience thanks to Johns Hopkins.

Screengrab. The Atlantic January 2019 (L to R) Donald Trump, Darrell Scott, Ben Carson

HUD Secretary Ben Carson is imminently qualified to be a House Negro, but remains as unqualified as ever to lead HUD

Keith A. Owens, Michigan Chronicle, 17 August 2017

Understanding the past can help frame today’s dilemmas. When used improperly “house nigga” can be disparaging and downright disrespectful, but in Maryland’s case it’s a literal interpretation of what happened in elections in the not-so-distant past.

Maryland’s first documented political “house nigga” died in 1981 at age 91. His name was J. Alvin Jones and his grandfather, James Jones, was enslaved by the wealthiest man in the state (at that time) Johns Hopkins.

Puppet and Puppeteer

Being a Black voter is exhausting. Beyond the normal work of analyzing candidates’ platforms and separating the bluster from actual policy, Blacks have an additional burden that stems from institutions of white supremacy using Blacks as front men. It happened with J. Alvin Jones.

Because of the lack of real power afforded to minoritized people in systems dedicated to upholding white supremacy, Blacks must ascertain whether the person is authentically representing the interests of the Black community or if candidates are merely puppets and simply executing the white man’s bidding.

Ebony magazine featured J. Alvin Jones in a December 1959 article that included a photo (pictured below) of then-governor James Millard Tawes standing behind Jones casting a great shadow. The governor is pointing out a window overlooking Mount Royal station in central Baltimore where Jones’ eyes is transfixed.

The photographic depiction of “house Negro” has never been captured so clearly.

Ebony Magazine. December 1959. Google Books.

J. Alvin Jones’ single term as state senator in 1958 started under the direst of circumstances: at the behest of party bosses. Jones’ soul qualification was that he was an educated Black man that had no baggage from a previous run for office. Before party boss “Jack” Pollack spearheaded his campaign when Jones was 69 years hold, Jones had spent his adult life with patronage jobs on the federal, state, and municipal levels.

Blacks, wary of the political machine, never embraced Jones the way they did the first Black elected in 1954 Delegate Harry Cole (who preceded him) or Verda Welcome (who defeated him) who both received grassroots support. The Black voter registration drives were working.

Pollack was Baltimore’s first Jewish boss, and during the 1940s and 1950’s the city’s most powerful boss. Operating from a base in the northwest part of the city, he picked and elected candidates to the state legislature, City Council, judgeships and the judicial clerkships.

Washington Post, 18 March 1977 “Baltimore Buries Once-Powerful Boss

Although it was not publicly reported and few Blacks likely knew in the 1960s, Jones’ grandparents had a cozy relationship with the wealthiest of white city’s financiers one hundred years prior, straight off the tobacco plantations – The man Johns Hopkins himself.

Sad. J. Alvin lost his senate seat in a contested primary that signaled the weakening of Pollack as a Democrat party boss in the city of Baltimore. The first Black woman elected, Verda Welcome denounced any association with organized political leaders suggesting any Black who did was a puppet. “I am that man’s worst enemy,” Welcome was reported as saying in a November 1, 1962 Baltimore Sun article. Morgan State University students at the gathering made it clear that any Black politician backed by Pollack or accepted the fund-raising money Irvin Koven, another leader in the city’s Jewish community, was to be distrusted.

Baltimore Sun 1962

Welcome’s enemies were more than haters, they were homicidal. Struck by two bullets, the North Carolina native, survived an assassination attempt in April 1964, midway into her first term. Five men associated with the Democratic party were charged with conspiracy to kill the woman who gathered grassroots support to obtain her seat; four were convicted. The bullet to Welcome’s back and heel certifies her “real one” status. Her tenure in the state house lasted 25 years.

So many have given so much to squander if the candidate will not be answerable to the Black community’s concerns, especially by a Black man who moves comfortably within the higher echelon of the Johns Hopkins power brokers.

Six Degrees of Johns Hopkins

J. Alvin Jones was born to John “Johnsey” Jones and Hattie Taylor on 20 November 1889. He was their only child. In 1913 he graduated from University of Pennsylvanian a private school in Philadelphia. After serving in WWI, he married Clara Baptiste of Pennsylvania and had two sons, J. Alvin Jr and Jerome. He had no known grandchildren.

His sons were not known to have served in public office, but enjoyed patronage jobs in the city. Picture below, J. B. Jones, was a city housing manager, and later oversaw the mass relocation of Black residents as part of the city’s “urban renewal” programs from his office in West Baltimore.

Jerome Baptise Jone obituary, 28 April 1970 Baltimore Sun

Straight from the Literal and Figurative Planation

Maryland’s new constitution of 1864 prohibited slavery. J Alvin’s father “Johnsey” was born a free person in 1866. J Alvin’s grandfather’s status under the new Constitution transitioned from being enslaved by multi-millionaire Johns Hopkins to being employed by him.

Clifton Mansion. The summer home of Johns Hopkins in Baltimore.

J Alvin’s grandfather, James Jones. was born in Virginia in about 1820. He was enslaved by the Tayloe family in Virginia and during a visit, Hopkins took a liking to James and brought him to Baltimore. James’ inclusion on the 1870 census kick-started the debate over the veracity of Hopkins’ PR machine that promotes him as an abolitionist.

Johns Hopkins, railroad magnate and banker, derived forced labor from James Jones for nearly four decades in the industrial port city of Baltimore. There were zero crops that needed harvested, only wine to be poured and dinner parties to host. Hopkins, from a family of Quakers, was wealthy enough to pay good wages for servants to run his bathwater and clean his bedsheets as he admired the artwork that adorned his Saratoga St winter home and his Clifton Mansion summer home.

1860 Federal Census for Johns Hopkins the president of Merchant Bank worth $2 million

After emancipation James stayed on as Hopkins’ servant. The city’s cantankerous bachelor banker/political influencer remembered Jones in his will with a $5000 payday in 1873 (roughly $130,000 in today’s valuation). Formerly enslaved men in Baltimore with no other marketable skill and lacking a formal education crowded almshouses or other penal institutions.

Jones, his wife Elizabeth (both identified as “mulattos”) and their children lived a quiet life in a house they owned with white eastern European immigrants as neighbors – outside of the strict racial redlines that kept Blacks in substandard housing. James continued to work as a servant/waiter up until he died in 1893.

1870 Federal Census for James Jones and wife Elizabeth, both unable to read or write

J. Alvin attended Douglas High School and later the Ivy League University of Pennsylvania school and graduated with an engineering degree. The WWI vet worked patronage-provided government jobs on the federal, state and city level before Pollack selected him to defeat Cole. Once his short-lived political career was over, Jones returned to work in a variety of civil service jobs and generally lived the remainder of his life in obscurity.

The year he died, 1981, the grandson of the former enslaved man from Virginia had truly moved on up as he lived and died in a high-rise apartment in the Charles Village area, a stone’s throw from Johns Hopkins University.

“All skin folks ain’t kin folk”

Melanated peoples since forever

Annapolis has been influenced by those with white supremacists’ ideals since the days before, during, and after Johns Hopkins wielded extreme political power that resulted in a hospital and university in his honor. The path to Annapolis is littered with the Black names discarded by the machine they served: Catherine Pugh, Cheryl Glenn, Nathaniel Oaks, are the most recent casualties. The ethics surrounding Gov Larry Hogan’s questionable, but lucrative business dealings have mostly gone unexamined.

Calling out Frauds

To catapult his name recognition, Wes Moore benefited from people believing he was a “Baltimore native.” Who could not pull for a troubled Black boy of a single mom succeeding despite the challenges posed by being educated in the city’s public schools during in the 1980s crack era? The problem is, he never went to school in Baltimore. Forever on the wrong side of history, The Baltimore Sun editorial board’s stance is that there ought to be more Wes Moores.

Wes Moore, pictured in front of the city landscape where he was not born and raised.

Moore, the author/candidate let the lie stand because he wanted to be seen as a “real one” like the other Wes Moore that he wrote about. Moore calculated ways to avoid suffering the fate as J Alvin Jones. Moore’s gamble is to present himself as a man of the people without having a rigorous debate where he faces the people. Moore declined Morgan State University’s invitation to debate. A single debate is scheduled for October 12th.

Black Republican Trump supporter Herman Cain famously embraced the term “house Negro” and urged author/candidate Ben Carson to do so as well. This followed an opinion published in a Michigan paper shaming Carson as a House Negro who ” forfeited the well-earned status of a brilliant medical career” to gain proximity to power. Cuba Gooding, Jr portrayed Carson in the Hollywood production of his book “Gifted Hands”.

“If being called a ‘house Negro’ is what some of us must endure for succeeding in this nation and thinking for ourselves, then let all of the ‘house Negroes’ stand up and be counted,” – wrote Herman Cain, Black Republican and Donald Trump supporter

Taryn Finley, HuffingtonPost.com 2017

Who gets to rise to the top in Maryland politics may not be groveling for anointment by the party bosses of yesteryear (to be sure the Curran family of old Baltimore still has weight today). In some ways not knowing who may be pulling the strings is even more disconcerting. Diligence in discovering to whom Black leaders may be beholden must remain a priority.

The struggle is real. All Marylanders, regardless of race, religion, or socio-economic status deserve more than someone competent in maneuvering amongst the power elite. If the first Black Governor does not pledge to dismantle the systems of white supremacy, he will be remembers only as the most recent in a long line of house Negroes.

David “I-Can-Say-Nigger” Simon

In all the ways that count most to Black people David Simon unequivocally embodies the absolute worst of what is known as the “white moderate” male in the United States. Although his infractions are numerous, what draws the most ire is Simon’s casual and frequent use of “nigger” and “nigga”.

The most noteworthy incident in question occurred (not surprisingly) in the Trump era with Simon tweeting “Hannity my nigga!” on Monday 19 September 2016. It was a tongue-in-cheek greeting between two white men in response of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump’s announcement of a planned outreach effort to engage Black voters.

Although a firestorm ensued, it was not the first time that David Simon poked the bear by saying that word.

The disparaging racist language earned him a short-term suspension from the app, but not after days of defending himself. During that time Simon dug in his heels, claimed artistic freedom, and addressed his detractors as “hall monitors.” Sonja Sohn, the Asian/Black actor who portrayed Kima on HBO’s The Wire, was one of the few who came to his defense.

Screengrab taken on June 20, 2022 Twitter

White moderates have been the bane of activists toiling about in the struggle demanding the end of white supremacy even before Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King wrote about his in exasperation in a letter from the Birmingham jail in 1963. The audacity of white men who as King noted have not seen “hate filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize and even kill your black brothers and sisters with impunity” to suggest a more palatable way to be treated as a full citizen that should come as a birth right.

FILE — In a Jan. 14, 2010 file photo David Simon looks on during a panel discussion in Pasadena, Calif. It was announced Sept. 28, 2010 that Simon is among 23 recipients of the year’s MacArthur Foundation “genius grants.” (AP Photo/Chris Pizzello/file)

When dripping from white lips, the dark stain that comes word “nigger” triggers the blood memory of violence, angst, subjugation. While Simon relishes its artistry, he simultaneously riles the sensibilities of our ancestors even 60 years after King’s admonishment. No federal holiday commemorating the end of enslavement championed by a white moderate cis gendered male president can provide a respite from the likes of David Simon and his devoted legion of outspoken white male fans.

What is insufferable though about the creator of the 20-year old cop drama is his “whitesplaining” to Black people how his artful use of the word is not of the offensive variety. It is this audacity that shifts the responsibility for peoples’ recoil squarely back on their Black shoulders. It’s satire, he proclaimed frequently, evoking the “fuck ’em if they can’t take a joke” axiom.

Screengrab Twitter on June 20, 2022.

Weeks after initially posting and defending his choice, Simon displayed a small measure of introspection with two tweets on September 20, 2016: “Don’t see it as an imprecise choice, but do I wish I tried another tack to insult Fox’s racial hegemony? Sure.” Long after Trump lost his re-election bid, and with the benefit of hindsight, David Simon responded, but not with an apology. “Stand by it as an answer to a white racist…” Simon Tweeted on June 20, 2019. The tweet remains live today on Elon Musk’s Twitter even after the murderous death of George Floyd and the immergence of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Truth is, Simon knows his white male privilege. The wrists slaps were factored into his calculation for all chances he took once he left the DMV for Baltimore. He spoke on his world view to graduates of his alma mater, Chevy Chase-Bethesda High school, knew it too when he spoke at the 2012 graduation:

“Certain things were assumed for my life. The guardrails were all there. The airbags all worked. I might come through with a few dents and scratches, I might screw up here and there, but by and large, the risks I was asked to take were for the most part moderate and plausible. I was going to have to work some, and get a little lucky, sure. But for real, I grew up in Montgomery County, Maryland. I mean, damn. Nice work if you can get it.”

Simon’s Revoked Hall Pass

Simon was given an inch of rope and thought he was a cowboy. “Nigga” stopped being something a Black character said and something the white David Simon tossed around carelessly. For introducing the Stringer Bell and Omar to the world, David Simon was given a temporary pass similar to the one Samuel L Jackson extended to Quentin Tarantino.

Actor Michael K. Williams as “Omar” publicity photo for The Wire.
Undated. Uncredited.

Simon’s temporary pass for saying that one word was identical to the laminated one former president Bill Clinton stores along with an emergency condom in his pocket. The pass was granted to Simon to use poetically in telling our stories; Clinton was offered one for playing the Saxaphone on Arsenio Hall’s late night talk show. Both white men have shown that all passes extended should be hereby immediately revoked. No white male moderate American should be issued another pass in the future.

Before the Fox News dust up that got tongues wagging, Simon took “nigger” out for a test run on Twitter two months earlier. No one barely noticed. Using the same tactics, Simon donned the persona of former president Richard Nixon and attacked the policies of then-presidential candidate Donald Trump:

“…let’s clamp down on the hippies and the niggers and the eggheads who are fucking us up”

David Simon, Twitter July 12, 2016

Since his coat was not severely pulled for that transgression in September, Simon put on the equivalence of Black face and started the shuck and jive routine against Hannity – this time for a larger audience.

The Washington Post made Simon’s transgression palatable to its white moderate readership when it rhetorically presented Simon’s defenders’ point of view that Simon has carte blanche to use the word because he wrote artful television shows in the realism prism depicting multi-dimensional Black characters.

If you’re not black you shouldn’t be saying “Nigga”. Plain and simple… If you can omit ‘faggot’ and ‘bitch’ from your vocabulary then why is it so hard and strenuous for you to omit ‘nigga’? 

Malcolm-Aimé Musoni, HuffPost.com September 26, 2015

Racism and misogyny rest comfortably within Simon’s wheelhouse. It’s been pointed out that the reasons white males bristle over the n-word is explicitly because it’s off-limits to them. Hollywood writer/producer/actor Quentin Tarantino famously penned the word “nigger” as dialogue for himself to utter on screen.

Screengrab on June 20, 2022. Twitter.

On his personal blog, on the day commemorating Juneteenth in 2013, Simon wrote about data mining, specifically cell phone’s metadata and peoples’ right to privacy in an essay that he titled The “Nigger Wake-Up Call.” It is painfully clear that the joke went over Simon’s head. Paul Mooney’s running gag is about Blacks who are suddenly jarred into reality after believing they had achieved post-racial equality.

Simon usurped Mooney’s comedic genius for the shock value of merely using the word. What is the point of having the pass, if you don’t use it, eh David?

Simon’s ability to write authentic dialogue reflective of his immersion into Baltimore’s street culture as an observer allows him extreme latitude in his personal interactions to call people “nigger” or “nigga”. In this case, he used the latter, a distinction he made without commenting on the difference between the two.

“Simon’s works have made him a sort of elder statesman regarding the intersection of race, politics and socioeconomics in America

Cleve R. Wootson Jr, Washington Post. September 20, 2016.

Simon himself rejected the idea that he has a pass to use the n-word indiscriminately. He wrote on Twitter (which oddly enough is akin to him saying the words from his own mouth) on October 7, 2016: “And if I used the term on AA, hand me my head. Satirically, on a white con man claiming rep of AA interests? Hey.”

It should be noted also, that Simon uses African American, AA, and black (not capitalized) without any clear distinction of why. Journalists abide by AP stylebook which requires capitalization of Black as a race and the distinguishes African American as applying to both race and ethnicity, but are not interchangeable.

“Simon is no longer just a journalist or a writer: he’s become a de facto translator for middle class audiences looking to understand elements of black America.”

Lanre Bakare, “Go home, David Simon. Without Justice in Baltimore, there can be no peace. The Guardian.com 28 April 2015

The Enemy of my Enemy is a Friend Fallacy

Pinpointing the extent of Simon’s supposed allyship requires the dexterity of Simone Biles. For instance, in July 2019 when Donald Trump blasted west Baltimore as “rat invested” and placed blame squarely on then Congressman Elijah Cummings, Simon lashed out at Trump and called him a “racist moron.” Simon’s defense of his adopted city has ingratiated Simon into many locals’ good graces.

However, in 2015 when Freddie Gray was killed in custody of the Baltimore Police Department, Simon seemed more aligned with law and order than the community marching in the streets. In fact, once Baltimoreans took to the street as an uprising against racial oppression was brewing, Simon penned a plea for an end to direct action.

President Barack Obama “interviews” David Simon on police culture in 2015. The president, seeking Simon as a potential ally, probed Simon for ways to change the culture of policing by seeking out ways to encourage historically racist institutions to see the humanity in the people and communities affected by their presence. Simon suggested maximum prison sentencing as a solution.

“White people — even those who speak up about black causes, like Simon — don’t have the social capital to throw around the n-word in everyday speech,” said author Jody Armour as quoted by the same 2016 Washington Post article.

Enter the Wu-Tang

If David Simon stopped saying “nigger” his family would starve. He is royally compensated many times over for putting “nigger” on a page. Unscientifically, David Simon has written the word hundreds (if not thousands) of times.

His seminal work, The Wire ran for six seasons and has a loyal fan base. During its 10-year heyday, his internal voice must have tried out every iteration of that word’s pronunciation. But Simon says he’s never “said” the word. (If he read any of his scripts out loud, merely playing the percentages, he has surely said “nigger”).

  • “Nigga, is you taking notes on a criminal fucking conspiracy?! The fuck is you thinking, man?”
  • “The crown ain’t worth much if the nigger wearing it always getting his shit took.”
  • “Fuck them West Coast niggers, cause in B’more, we aim to hit a nigger, you heard?”
  • “This motherfucker be killing niggas just to do it. You see? Nigga kills motherfuckers just cause he can. Not cause they snitching, not cause it’s business, but just because this shit comes natural to him. Man, Little Kevin is gone! This nigga don’t feel nothing!”

Not to split hairs, but an argument could be made that there’s a world of difference between writing dialogue for a “gritty” “urban” television drama and when someone uses their personal Twitter account to flaunt their pass to their 334,000 followers gained as a result of their Hollywood celebrity status. The former is economic, the latter is all ego.

As the rapper Method Man (who portrays Melvin Wagstaff in season two of The Wire) of the Wu Tang Clan drops a verse in the 2014 hit CREAM:

Cash rules everything around me
C.R.E.A.M., get the money
Dollar dollar bill, y’all

Before there was beaucoup money to be made in a cinematic depiction of Black Baltimore, there was the use of “nigger” in Simon’s journalism career at the Baltimore Sun.

Simon’s literary success was sparked by shadowing Black people’s daily struggle of existence in West Baltimore as a journalist. He culminated the experience not by lobbying for resources, but by writing a 1997 book The Corner: A Year in the Life of an Inner-City Neighborhood that he co-wrote with Baltimore Police Department (BPD) detective Ed Burns.

Simon’s first book mentions “nigger” 47 times and “nigga” four.

The book was made into a critically acclaimed HBO six-part mini-series The Corner, directed by Baltimorean Charles “Roc” Dutton, who is Black. Residual checks keep coming. In contrast, odds are that the Black youth he shadowed in order to craft a realistic creative expression are in jail, prison, on parole or probation.

On DavidSimon.com, he lists two charities as “worthy causes“: The Ella Thompson Fund and The Baltimore Station as well as one scholarship fund. Simon wrote it is “probable that [donations to the organizations listed] will directly address an issue locale or dynamic that we dramatized.”

Screengrab on June 20, 2022. Twitter

The Sun Rises on The N-Word: David’s Early Years

It is difficult to pinpoint with any degree of accuracy exactly when David Simon began taking a liking to the word tied to generational oppression of a people from African descent.

As is the moderate’s want to ask “where are his parents?, Simon admits the complexities of race was not a matter discussed at all in his house. In the next (and final) part of this series, the genealogy of Simon is explored putting into historical context some of the influences that undoubtedly shaped his world view.

Once the college grad from the Washington DC suburbs was dropped into Baltimore in the early 1980s, it was no doubt a culture shock. It would be totally understandable if the word “nigga” being tossed around like crime scene tape sent the cub reporter on the cops beat into full blush.

What was Baltimore to a kid from Montgomery County? It was another world, another America. Maybe not all of the city, but those quadrants that had been left behind… 

David Simon, Graduation remakes, Bethesda-Chevy Chase High School June 4, 2012

Simon’s first few years as a working journalist at the Baltimore Sun was an extension of his self-proclaimed college years – lazy and uninspired. From 1982 through 1984 the assignments were routine, and the reporting was generic; the combination offered little by way of opportunity to hone a writing style.

There were glimpses, though. Simon shone a sympathetic light on libertarian Warren Eilerston who beat federal criminal charges for refusing to pay federal taxes in August 1983. Also, in 1985, Simon deftly covered a shift in BPD policy after the public balked at the lack of transparency after a string of police shootings where the officers were either not identified to members as part of a “news blackout” and/or the officer refused to give a statement to investigators.

It would not be long before Simon’s byline would be inked above the word “nigger” published in the city’s paper of record. The subject of the 1988 story was a 51-year old resident of Baltimore’s Cherry Hill neighborhood who worked as a barmaid in 1963.

It was the occasion of the 25th anniversary of a murderous hate-crime where Hattie Carroll was caned to death by 24-year old William Santzinger for not bringing a white man’s drink fast enough in a downtown Baltimore bar.

Racially motivated murder of Hattie Carroll by caning. The Afro. 10 February 1963

In the 1988 story about the death of Hattie Carroll, Simon showed both his burgeoning talent for a narrative style of journalism. The man who killed Carroll for not bringing him his drink quick enough had spent the evening terrorizing the wait staff at the hotel. He called one woman a Black bitch. He also hit several people with his cane during the “Spinster’s Ball” a charity event attended by Baltimore’s society elite.

It was also perhaps Simon’s earliest recorded use of the word “nigger”. It was printed for no good reason. For that, the Baltimore Sun should apologize.

The word set in a line and paragraph all to itself.

It had no voice or quotation marks. It was David Simon’s voice caressing the word “nigger”:

David Simon, “The Case of Hattie Carroll, Baltimore Sun, 7 February 1988

The Sun really had no journalistic rationale for printing the racial epitaph gratuitously added by David Simon. The only context provided was that while visiting Charles County, the home of the man who killed Carroll, Simon supposedly witnessed the word’s wide use among whites in southern Maryland’s rural communities. Simon included in his story an unidentified white man (supposedly granted anonymity) from Charles County who wished “black people the best of everything, really.”

From that point in 1988, Simon took leave from The Baltimore Sun again and spent a year embedded with the Baltimore Police Department as its intern. His experience shadowing Baltimore Police Department (BPD) was memorialized in a 1991 book, that was later made into a television show for NBC, Homicide, Life on the Street. “Nigger” appears five times in the book; there’s no mention of “Nigga.”

Nor was [BPD] the most tolerant environment in which to come of age; there were cops twenty years younger who reacted to what they saw on the streets by crawling into a psychological cave, damning every nigger and liberal faggot to hell for screwing up the country

David Simon. Homicide A Year on the Killing Streets 1991

Simon’s “Nigger” Code

David Simon, much like the police he covered while a cops reporter in Baltimore, has somewhat of a code that dictates how he uses the word.

“Nigger” or “nigga” it seems is not something Simon feels that he say verbally out loud, in public. If he writes it out (in a tweet or essay), he is not restricted. However, he will take pause before he uses “my nigga” in writing if its directed to someone Black.

If it’s written as satire or in the voice of a persona he is co-opting, then he can pretend to be Black and use the word, but only direct it towards someone who is white.

The code allows Simon to write the word for characters to say as dialogue. He is also able to have a narrator describe someone as a nigger. Simon is the sole arbiter as to how many times he can write the word and if it is offensive. He believes his pass is unlimited.

Simon has not made any distinction between ending the word with an “r” or an “a”. But as stated earlier, his book The Corner uses “nigger” 10 times more frequently than “nigga”.

“David Simon is the blackest white man I have ever known. What he wrote was clearly ironic, and entirely at the expense of the whitest white man on the planet. I see no foul.”

Gene Weingarten, Washington Post columnist and Simon’s writing partner.

Sorry, Not Sorry

What seems most clear about Simon’s code is that he should never apologize when he uses it.

David Simon said that if he did delete the Hannity tweet he feared that in the void someone would claim that “I used the phrase to do anything other than to ironically mock someone’s actual co-opting of racial status [emphasis added] in order to advance their racist candidate.”

Let’s unpack the statement. First, he is arguing that if deleted, saved screenshots would also disappear from this known dimension thusly preventing him from pointing out the original context. Next, he insists that he was being ironic in mocking a white man who Simon believes to be racist by engaging him with a racially explosive word. In turn, no one focused on Hannity’s “co-opted racial status” but much of the world took Simon to the woodshed for his wanton use of a racist term. Now, that’s ironic.

Screengrab. Taken on June 20, 2022. Twitter

David Simon is a Cop

David Simon is what Baltimoreans gleefully call a wannabe from the Dee Em Vee.

The Montgomery County native, 61, is mostly known as the creator of HBO’s The Wire, a fictional cop drama set and filmed on location in Baltimore. Credited for its realistic portrayal, Simon and his collaborator Ed Burns, a former city police detective captured the distinctive voice of the streets of Baltimore.

When the series debuted in June 2002, The Wire was applauded for its nuanced characters not often found in Hollywood. Simon’s narrative storytelling of Baltimore’s intricacies was compelling and layered. After its fifth and final season wrapped, the set was broken down, and the lights dimmed, all that was left behind were the tragic lives of the real people whose stories were told for profit by outsiders.

Twenty years after The Wire, Simon is back at it again with HBO, this time as the creator of We Own This City (WOTC), a fictionalized portrayal of a 2021 true crime book written by then Baltimore Sun newspaper reporter Justin Fenton also set in Baltimore. Similarly, critical acclaim was bestowed on the dialect and scenery that captures the small city with a big heart. But what is different from years that preceded The Wire are two major factors:

  • the emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement (that includes the city’s uprising after the in-custody death of Freddie Gray in 2015)
  • the relevancy of social media in swaying public opinion (and subsequent cancel culture)

The lives of Blacks in the country mattered decidedly less when The Wire was greenlit, yet David Simon has not changed with the times. It is Simon’s continued public and unapologetic use of the word “nigger”, that has found the white man from the DMV himself way down deep in a hole since The Wire wrapped. When WOTC‘s controversial final episode aired on May 20, 2022, it was totally on brand that Simon dismissed concerns about his role in the post George Floyd era of policing.

Simon embeds himself within the ranks of BPD as its “intern”

Gaining access to police sources takes talent, trust, and time on the part of journalists. As does all institutions with something to hide (Catholic church, NCAA, NRA, political parties, and law enforcement come to mind), its caretakers are wary of members of the press for fear of what could be revealed. By the early 1980s the skeletons in Baltimore Police department’s closet had spilled onto the floor and were piling up in all the corners. An astute observationist like David Simon would have to be blind not to see it. Unless his promised proximity to police culture to gain their trust shaded his objectivity.

David Simon was a cop. After a few years on his journalist job, Simon took a leave of absence from The Sun and became a “police intern” at Baltimore City’s police department (BPD). He spent a year embedded within BPD learning their language and meeting their families. History has revealed that while his decision served neither journalism nor the general public of Baltimore very well, it was a huge “come up” for the beat reporter. In a book, Simon chronicled his experiences as a cop using the voice of what he called “the communal homicide detective.” Gaining unfettered access to police would prove that loss of objectivity was the price he would pay.

David Simon’s 1991 book promotion tour for “Homicide: Life on the Killing Streets” which set his path to Hollywood. The photo highlights him being “embedded” within BPD for a year to gain access to LE.

Simon looks to have made a deal with the devil. The violence against Black lives predates “police intern” Simon’s illegal stop and frisk days at BPD. The historic systemic racism that permeates BPD was documented in a scathing 2016 report by the US Department of Justice (DOJ) that includes empirical evidence of its patterns and practices of civil rights violations against Blacks. The very institution of policing is the villain in the sage of Black lives, not Simon and certainly not “drug wars”.

People who have lived in the city for generations have long memories. In the case of David Simon, people have not distinguished him from other cops when he was embedded along side them. BPD Commissioner David DeSousa in 2018 apologized at a rap concert for 200 years of racialized policing in Baltimore. Even the staid institution of The Baltimore Sun recognized its contribution to stoking racial discord when its editorial board issued an apology early this year. BPD, on the other hand unapologetically maintains its status as the most funded agency in the city at over a half a billion dollars annually.

Associated Press, Aug 1991

BPD’s historical occupation over the city’s Black citizens on horrific display in Harlem Park in 2017 is in some measure owed to a young and ambitious cub reporter from the DMV who chose to be a big city cop for a year in 1988. When Freddie Gray was brutalized by officers which led to his death, Simon chided BPD for breaking the code. The resulting uprising was in Simon’s view because of failed policies he told the Marshal Project in a 2015 interview.

“I’m talking in the vernacular of cops, not my own — but even in the vernacular of what cops secretly think is fair, this is bullshit, this is a horror show. There doesn’t seem to be much code anymore.”

David Simon, on why Freddie Gray who didn’t meet the criteria should not have been beaten by BPD.

Simon’s latest venture documenting BPD culture excluded the obliteration of the code on display with the death of a Baltimore cop two years after Freddie Gray’s death. In an overtly illegal and brutal show of force, BPD locked down of over 10 square blocks in West Baltimore. The week-long occupation was covered in Fenton’s WOTC book, but quizzically excluded from Simon’s Hollywood portrayal of the GTTF.

Why Simon chose to omit actual evidence of BPD “owning the city” instead of settling for mere hyperbole has not yet been addressed. Albeit, it is not too surprising in hindsight since the police action prompting cries of #FreeWestBaltimore received precious little journalistic interest in real time. Since both the FBI and the DOJ were on site during the “lockdown” it served the feds well not to be eager to discuss BPD’s wanton display of police power. The Harlem Park lockdown is what happens when “police say” journalism takes precedent for fear of losing access.

During the lockdown/occupation, over one hundred Black residents of Harlem Park were routinely stopped by police, without any individualized suspicion of wrongdoing when they came and went from their homes. Instead in the Simon-orchestrated HBO version of history, GTTF chose to illuminate the failures and flaws of individuals like Wayne Jenkins.

The departments’ abusive actions on that day were so atrocious against residents living near the crime scene that it in response to a lawsuit, the commissioner issued a rare public apology.

[Black residents] were required to identify themselves, and their names were run through law enforcement databases. Police officers were posted at each block, alleyway, and corner, and police checkpoints were at each intersection.

ACLU Maryland

Leaving the tragedy and aftermath of the Harlem Park lockdown on the cutting room floor is one of the most cop-like acts David Simon could have ever done.

Sean Suiter as a Casualty of Simon’s Blind Spot

Lately, much of the ire directed at Simon on social media #BaltimoreTwitter centers on his depiction of the shooting death of a Black homicide detective in the line of duty that occurred in November 2017 in the Harlem Park neighborhood that preceded the lockdown. It is a case that remains unsolved. The detective, Sean Suiter, was killed the day before he was scheduled to testify as a federal witness in a corruption case involving multiple members of the department’s Gun Trace Task Force (GTTF) plain clothes unit.

To Fenton’s credit, his reporting in WOTC depicts with clarity the extent of the BPD’s propensity for criminality and coverups, if only anecdotally. To Simon’s chagrin, because Fenton’s book maintains objectivity, but Simon’s decided to deviate from the book and go full bore just to echo a BPD’s narrative is quite telling.

Screengrab Twitter. David Simon @AoDespair

In the dramatization, Simon took creative license to underscore the scenario of suicide, a hypothesis that embraces BPD culture and dismisses journalistic responsibility. It is also in contrast to the Medical Examiner’s determination of homicide.

Fenton’s book chronicles the federal court cases involving the specialized unit he previously referred to as “elite” within the BPD which for years operated a robbery and drug ring while on duty. Before becoming a homicide detective Suiter, a native of Washington DC, was a member of GTTF.

A timeline of events that preceded Suiter’s death could be construed that he felt building pressure to snitch against his brothers in blue or that higher up in LE were seeking eliminate remaining potential threats. In October 2017, a key defendant ex-GTTFer Jemell Rayam plead guilty for his involvement in the department’s criminal conspiracy and became a witness for the prosecution. Suiter, died from a bullet wound to the head the day before he was scheduled to testify (presumably to corroborate details what Rayam offered in exchange for his cooperation).

Two weeks after Suiter’s death in early December 2017, Sgt. Thomas Allers pleaded guilty and declined to cooperate with the government. All the while Harlem Park was under police guard. The lone holdout, Wayne Jenkins finally entered his guilty plea in January 2018, the same month the trial began for two members who did not take a deal, Daniel Hersl and Marcus Taylor (who both were found guilty).

The circumstances involving Suiter’s death are as improbable as they are disturbing. The family man who had a reputation for professionalism was murdered in broad daylight – with what they have indicated was a department issued handgun. Suiter was discovered in a vacant lot near an alley in a section of Baltimore known for being a bastion for unsolved violent crimes. The single bullet to the head occurred while he was accompanied by another officer, who was not his usual partner.

The changing statements from that day’s partner, David Bomenka, provided the context for the collection of police evidence and the interpretation of same that followed. It is at this point the elements of a cover up (if not a conspiracy) takes root.

Screengrab WMAR TV 2019 broadcast

One independent journalist has persistently taken local media to task for merely parroting the narratives spoon-fed by BPD about proposed evidence without consideration of BPD’s history of lying and manipulation. “The media has largely accepted these prevailing myths, in part because there was a battle inside BPD over what happened to Suiter, what the Sun called the “two conflicting theories,” wrote Justine Baron on her website TheSuiterFiles.com.

Violations of Journalism 101 are many when it comes to covering Sean Suiter:

  • Journalists ceased amplifying the fact that when medical transport arrived, Suiter had been carried and placed inside of a patrol car (and dropped in the process) by BPD officers first to the scene. BPD said that the delay had no relevancy to the investigation.
  • No further investigation was made of the patrol car carrying Suiter (the driver has not been publicly identified) got into two accidents en route to the hospital.
  • No ownership of the decision to disturb the crime scene (and perhaps cause additional injury) and move Suiter from the lot.
  • Suiter’s gun, later proclaimed to be the murder weapon, was removed from the scene and recovered in a patrol car’s trunk – at some undisclosed time later, with zero explanation by BPD.
  • When officers responded, it was to an “active shooter” scene, in accordance with the information given by the only eyewitness, Suiter’s partner that day.

Jamie Hector’s performance as Sean Suiter earned the character a tragic figure moniker. In an episode guide, it surmises that “faced with the prospect of testifying against his fellow cops, and losing the job that he loves, he tragically commits suicide.” The suicide narrative championed by Simon and BPD has been engrained in the annals of television.

“Suiter is cynical and hopeless, faced with rejection from his colleagues if he chooses to testify and possible prosecution if he doesn’t. He also risks losing his job if, in testifying, he reveals to the FBI that he witnessed, and did nothing about, the GTTF’s crimes.”

Rebecca Bihn-Wallace, June 12, 2022 MSN.com

David Simon Crosses the Line

Simon may have left journalism, but it did not stop journalists (and others) from coming for him. Simon told the “Twitterverse” that he believed the cops when it came to the unsolved case of Sean Suiter’s death. Surveillance video of the moments that lead up to the shooting was stolen and (likely destroyed by BPD). A second camera provided grainy footage that generates more questions and the answers that it provides. Some see this action as further indication of a cover-up.

The barrage of criticism against the once-BPD “intern” turned Hollywood showrunner was swift. Suiter’s friend and attorney drew first blood:

Nice reminder that facts don’t matter when they get in the way of dramatizing crime in Baltimore

Jeremy Eldridge, Sean Suiter’s Attorney, Twitter May 30, 2022

In classic Simon fashion, he defended his position against Suiter’s attorney with the bluntness of a chainsaw in a pillow factory: “Your client took his life in advance of his grand jury testimony….he would likely lose his job as a result of the revelations forthcoming. This is regrettable. It is also entirely true,” Simon posted on Twitter.

It’s not known whether Simon intentionally tried to sound like the verbalization of a cop’s internal dialogue, but he succeeded. What Simon says is very much in line with how cops think: Suiter felt so strongly about the remote possibility of losing his job that he chose a risky attempt to portray his death as a line of duty homicide. Cops (and Simon) believe Suiter took a less than 50/50 gamble in order to provide for his family financially by hoping Bomenka fell for him staging his suicide to look like a homicide.

By any calculation a staged homicide was an unfathomable risk given that recent history has shown that many LE come out the other side of prosecutions largely unscathed. Even if after testifying Suiter ended up a disgraced former LE, he could find gainful employment as a media analyst or Baltimore drive time talk show host if not a professional police review panel member.

There’s no debate that the central evidence in the Suiter cold case is the lone eyewitness, Det. David Bomenka. He is the man that Simon has placed the utmost trust in. Simon has more faith in Bomenka than Suiter ever did. Suiter was leery enough about helping Bomenka on his case that Suiter grabbed a police radio before venturing out with the man he barely knew.

Screengrab, BWC footage of Bomenka’s approach to a felled Sean Suiter, Source IRB Report.

Homicide detectives rarely take a police issue radio, preferring to use their cell phones while in the field. If a detective wanted extra assurance when paired with a person they did not trust, then that would be a reason for carrying a radio. Sean Suiter’s last words were captured on his radio transmission. Although it’s not conclusive, it sounds as if Suiter is saying to ease someone else’s concern that he was close to: “Don’t worry about it.”

Screengrab Twitter David Simon May 31, 2022

Activist Leslie Mac asked Simon on Twitter how a former beat reporter responsible for covering BPD for years still gives credence to the version of facts presented by BPD and the FBI. Mac suggested that Simon’s white privilege clouds his judgement, Simon responded in typical fashion:

Moron, the FBI broke open the entire scandal of the GTTF. They uncovered the corruption. And the evidence of the suicide comes not from the BPD but from an independent investigator. So basically you only with to credit your own unevidenced imaginings. Got it. Christ Almighty.

David Simon @AoDespair R/T of Leslie Mac June 4, 2022 ,Twitter

Barely anyone in the city trusted BPD to investigate Suiter’s death with the exception of David Simon. Certainly no one did who was familiar with the failed prosecution the year prior of the officers present when Freddie Gray was fatally injured while in custody trusted that BPD would be respectful of West Baltimore residents. With no public confidence and lacking in overall legitimacy due to the DOJ, BPD’s leadership asked the FBI to take over the investigation and it declined, making national news.

Simon has often evoked the Independent Review Board (IRB) conclusion of suicide, without mentioning much how the IRB was bought and paid for by BPD and that members included two former BPD officers. The IRB was commissioned to look into the Harlem Park lockdown, but it failed to do so.

The DOJ’s Consent Decree’s monitoring team soon after the lockdown indicated that its job was not to investigate the lockdown: “… it is not appropriate for the Monitoring Team to interject itself into an active crime scene investigation or to assume the role of BPD command staff by intervening in BPD actions.” However, nine months later the IRB punted.

“The IRB has not analyzed this [lockdown of Harlem Park], and incorporates by reference the work of the BPD Monitoring Team,”

Report to the Commissioner of the Police Department of Baltimore City Concerning an Independent Review of the November 15,2017 Incident and Its Aftermath, August 2018

In the months that followed Suiter’s violent and suspicious death, the city was in extreme turmoil: The top cop was fired by the mayor. The person the mayor promoted to the position (Darryl DeSousa) was forced to resign after being charged for federal tax evasion. (These events depicting the dysfunction were included in the HBO portrayal). The city was failing to meet demands of the consent decree to reform its police department that it entered into after the 2015 death in police custody by Freddie Gray.

With political pressure mounting, BPD hired a panel to provide the public with an explanation of the innerworkings of their investigation. They called the panel the Independent Review Board IRB). The IRB’s processes and deliberations were conducted in private; their members were selected by BPD and they were paid by the department.

A year later, citing flaws in the IRB report (no one from the family was questioned in the process), Suiter’s family publicly decried the BPD investigation (and IRB’s review of same) as corrupt. It seemed that the thin blue line left the grieving officer’s family on the outside looking in. Suiter’s wife and children said what most of Baltimore was thinking: that whoever is responsible for the murder was within the department.

“It’s just too much of a coincidence — the day before he was due to testify. It looks like an inside job,” Sean Suiter’s eldest child, Damira, 27, said Tuesday night.

Justin Fenton, Baltimore Sun, May 1, 2019.

The medical examiner’s ruling in Suiter’s death is and always has been homicide. The state’s attorney called the case “open and pending” after BPD prematurely announced that it was closed in November 2019. Simon blames most of BPD’s abuses (but not its systemic racist practices) on the failings of drug war era policies.

In response to the backlash, David Simon has promised to outline his rationale for believing the cops’ theory of suicide in an essay.

From a white boy from the DMV to a Wannabe BPD-er

Simon’s road to Baltimore began in Silver Spring, MD and traversed through his admittedly mediocre years as a University of Maryland student in College Park. Upon graduation, he took a journalist job reporting for the Baltimore Sun and worked there for nearly 13 years before a parting of the ways in 1995.

Simon described his departure from The Sun as a result of his growing frustration of corporate influence along with editors stifling his burgeoningly creative narrative voice. As a young reporter, Simon’s strength was storytelling. He took a year leave in order to be embedded with Baltimore Police in search of more stories to tell. It was a gamble though that paid off. Director Barry Levinson (a true Baltimorean) optioned his book for a $10,000 pay day for Simon and turned it into a hit television show for NBC.

Buoyed by the success of his 1993 book Homicide: Life on The Killing Streets Simon’s request for a raise in pay at the paper was rebuffed. The Sun newspaper had had enough of David Simon. Before taking a buyout and leaving journalism for good, Simon thought the Sun would be his first and only job, he told Chicago Tribune in a 2008 article.

The then-owners of the Sun likened Simon’s hold onto a decades-old grudge to a character flaw. His anger issues, Simon said, are not directed at individuals, but towards the decline in journalism, they said in the same article. Not to worry, in 2012 Simon joined Twitter and his penchant for harvesting grudges would be on the world stage and undeniable.

Cashing in on Baltimore

David Simon’s year embedded as a reporter shadowing BPD homicide detectives was recounted in his 1991 book “Homicide: A Year on the Killing Streets.” Director Barry Levinson (also from Baltimore) optioned the book for $10,000 and it became an award-winning television show, earning him a best director Emmy in 1993 and Andre Braugher an Emmy for best actor in 1998.

HOMICIDE: LIFE ON THE STREET — Sleuth Series — Pictured: (back row l-r) Reed Diamond as Detective Mike Kellerman, Richard Belzer as Detective John Munch, Clark Johnson as Detective Meldrick Lewis, Michelle Forbes as Dr. Julianna Cox, Kyle Secor as Detective Tim Bayliss, Yaphet Kotto as Lieutenant Al Giardello, (front row l-r): Max Perlich as J. H. Brodie, Melissa Leo as Detective/Sergeant Kay Howard, Andre Braugher as Detective Frank Pembleton — Sleuth Photo

The Baltimore-based Hollywood successes linked to Simon’s stint as what amounts to a junior cop is as follows:

  • Homicide Life on The Streets (1993)
  • The Corner (2000)
  • The Wire (2002)
  • We Own This City (2022)

Like The Wire, WOTC is just a television show. Where they differ is that The Wire was loosely based on real people but was clearly a fictionalized representation. WOTC is a true story. Real people, suffering families, and the ongoing trauma of Blacks in the city, especially West Baltimore is not a figment of anyone’s imagination.

The Trouble With Outsiders

Granted, a great amount of not liking Simon is strictly personal, and not about his business at all. Objectively, Simon is largely viewed as a disagreeable and crass human being. (Simon was banned from Twitter for a death threat in 2018). His delight is visceral when he blocks people from viewing his Twitter account while insulting their intelligence for disagreeing with him. His admitted favorite insults lobbied at people are asshole, idiot, moron, scrotesniff, fuckbonnet, taintlick, and gibbering submoron.

Simon, in the post Trump years, still also manages to squeeze in an occasional motherfucker or nigger (more on Simon’s use of “nigger” in this series’ next installment).

That Simon is from the DMV instead of from Baltimore some may believe is at the crux of the disdain he evokes from locals. They would be wrong, mostly. People are growing weary of Simon because he has not atoned for having some of the city’s most dangerous cops as friends.

One such case highlighted in the book that launched Simon’s career stemmed from when he had extraordinary access to LE. It included the conviction of three Black teenagers for killing Dewitt Duckett over a Georgetown basketball jacket inside of Harlem Park Junior High in 1983. All three teens were exonerated in November 2019 after serving 36 years in prison, aided by the MidAtlantic Innocence Project which found the BPD coerced witnesses into testifying that they saw the three boys fighting with Duckett. If Simon knew about this coercion, he never spoke of it.

Baltimore Circuit Court Judge Charles J. Peters declared Alfred Chestnut, Ransom Watkins and Andrew Stewart (pictured below) all innocent and issued an apology on behalf of the entire criminal justice system.

No one would be surprised at all if Simon purchased the rights to the story of the three Black teens from Harlem Park wrongfully arrested, prosecuted and incarcerated before being exonerated. According to HBO, David Simon is the preeminent voice suited to tell the most tragic of Baltimore’s stories.

BALTIMORE, MD – NOVEMBER 25: Mary Stewart, left, walks with her son, Andrew Stewart and her daughter, Ulonda Stewart, Andrew’s sister after he along with Alfred Chestnut and Ransom Watkins were released and exonerated for the 1983 murder they were convicted of on Monday November 25, 2019 in Baltimore, MD. The three were given life sentences for the murder of DeWitt Duckett. (Matt McClain/The Washington Post)

NEXT UP IN THIS SERIES: David Simon’s Love of the “N-Word”

The Making of an Abolitionist

To say Baltimore’s wealthiest financier Johns Hopkins has been the beneficiary of good press for over 200 years would be like saying there was some media curiosity in the OJ Simpson verdict.

For over 200 years Maryland’s native son Johns Hopkins absolutely could do no wrong, that is if you are to believe the local papers.  Acknowledgement of the man’s moral failures came 147 years after his death when Johns Hopkins University finally got around to announcing that they looked at documents in the public sphere for well over a century.

The University’s president in December 2020 to much fanfare announced publicly that its founder was an enslaver, and not likely the exalted abolitionist as he was often hailed by the university. 

Baltimore Sun, a collaborator on the PR campaign that cast Hopkins as an abolitionist, here publishes a retrospective on the man and his institutions upon the centennial occasion of the university. 22 February 1976.

Aloof indeed. Hopkins has enjoyed all the gravitas that a port town with a steady loss in population could muster. A combination of blood memory and a dedication to the oral tradition have kept Blacks ever vigilant against the wolf in sheep’s clothing.

One would be hard pressed to find a Black Baltimorean who was caught off guard when the University announced in December 2020 that the eccentric millionaire Johns Hopkins, who died in 1873, enslaved people for financial benefit over a large span of his lifetime.  

Moreover, with JHU’s confession about Hopkins’ active participation in the slave trade, one could safely assume that fellow Marylanders Benjamin Banneker, Frederick Douglass and Harriett Tubman began to rest a little more peacefully. The risks and efforts of all three Black abolitionists should have never been aligned with the caustic millionaire and railroad baron’s name as fellow abolitionists to begin with.

Had Hopkins really been a “friend to Blacks,” as the preeminent financier of the Baltimore & Ohio railroad, with minimal effort he could have single-handedly usurped the dangers (or need for) the life-threatening trek that necessitated the underground railroad.

In order to dispel the rumor and confirm facts regarding Hopkins’ stance, settling on the definition of abolitionist, beyond a person who supported an end to slavery, is paramount. Noted abolitionist and fellow Marylander Frederick Douglass traveled and gave speeches in support of emancipation before the war (Hopkins gave no speeches and very few of his letters have been archived).  After the war and during reconstruction, abolitionists sought federal legislation to ensure equal rights regardless of race or gender as women’s suffrage movement took on steam. Hopkins provided no public testimony on pivotal Constitutional Amendments or provided a published stance on women’s rights.

If Johns Hopkins were an abolitionist, he must have proclaimed his allegiance to freedom and humanity ever so quietly under his breath in an overly ornate room (that would make a Quaker blush) in one of his multiple Baltimore mansions in a toast to himself with wine poured into the finest crystal by one of his many Black servants at his beck and call whom he had previously enslaved before emancipation.

The Darkies Were Happily Working Hard, Then They Were Gone

Much of what is known about Hopkins’ personal life and political leanings is through the sole definitive biography written by his brother’s granddaughter Helen Hopkins Thom and published in 1929 to little fanfare. It this book that planted the seed out of which the myth of Hopkins as a sympathetic abolitionist would grow.

In the introduction to the 2009 edition of Thom’s book, James Stimpert, Archivist of Johns Hopkins’ Sheridan Libraries warns that personal bias drips from her pages. “The historian will recognize that a narrative based on personal recollection may be suspect, both from a factual as well as an interpretive standpoint,” he wrote. No other definitive biography exists. Hopkins left no “paper trail” for historians to affirm or refute Thoms’ tales.

Advertisement. The Evening Sun. Baltimore 15 October 1929

Stimpert makes a couple of corrections with the benefit of hindsight and technology to Thoms’ account mostly concerned about the impetus for Hopkins’ idea to fund the university and hospital. Stimpert when given the the opportunity to delve deeper, he gave no insight or mention to the veracity of Thom’s abolitionist claim. In 2009, Stimpert had the opportunity to correct the record, point out the census data, and verify Hopkins’ allegiances to the union. What Stimpert displays is the “generational institutional ignorance” according to the Washington Post that runs rampant within the hallowed halls of the country’s first research institution that led up to its “stunning admission.”

1820 U S Census; Census Place: District 2, Baltimore, Maryland From Ancestry.com

Never in dispute to the origin story was that Johns Hopkins was raised on a Maryland tobacco plantation where his father carried on the family business as a multi-generational enslaver. Considering that the reverberations from the abolitionist movement drastically upended the young innocent life of an adolescent Johns Hopkins, as his biographer wrote, one would find it difficult to believe that he would make the same decision to manumit his slave as his father, if given the chance.

“Free the slaves? Terrible would be the consequences of such and act! Boys taken from school to work on the plantations! Hard physical labor for the entire families accustomed to ease and leisure! To manumit the slaves in whom large sums of money had been invested, and let them go without compensation -that way lay Ruin!”

Helen Hopkins Thom, on the “hard and perplexing problem” the Hopkins family faced in her book Johns Hopkins, A Silhouette, 1929

Most curious is how the story persists that Johns’ alleged abolitionist leanings supposedly stemmed from his faith.  No documents have been presented that indicate Johns gave two hoots about the Quakers.  He mentioned nothing in his will about them. Instead, Thom goes to great length in describing how Johns looked down on people who cited their faith when declining wine or drink that he offered. Often he bullied guests into submission. More evidence exists that he had animosity towards the church and his father’s moral compass rather than what exists to support he sought its guidance or echoed the beliefs.

At the threat of being separated from their church, Johns’s father Samuel acquiesced to the edict that their Quaker faith no longer condoned slavery. Samuel manumitted many of the people he enslaved, but only after he could not delay the decision any longer.  Samuel feared being ostracized by many of his parents’ friends and neighbors who ran tobacco plantations and household with enslaved labor and he worried day and night over the decision.

“Who would till the fields and harvest the crops when the slaves were gone? Who would card the wool and the cotton, do the weaving in the weaving-house, and keep the spinning wheels humming with the gentle burr that daily filled the air?”

Helen Hopkins Thom, author of Johns Hopkins A Silhouette

While no actual number has been provided, Thom noted that Johns’ parents Samuel and Hannah owned “plenty of slaves” and their labor was not just in the tobacco fields. The subjugation of people based on their skin color was also necessary in order for the most pious of Quakers to receive round-the-clock care for their 11 children. Thom embraces the pastoral imagery of forced labor plantations and evokes nostalgia for days gone by:


“Five hundred acres of long green tobacco plants formed the background for the unpretentious bring house, the large bards, and the laves’ quarters, a group of log cabins, usually surrounded by pickaninnies and old mammies while the more able-bodied negroes were busy in the fields.”

Helen Hopkins Thom, author of Johns Hopkins A Silhouette

Johns’ father Samuel died at age 55, about five years after penning the manumissions. Even though, his adult sons became enslavers. According to the 1840 census both his older brother Joseph Janney Hopkins (Thoms’ grandfather) enslaved 31 people and Johns’ younger brother Philip H Hopkins enslaved 29. Another brother Samuel S Hopkins Jr inherited slaves from his father, who he later manumitted.

Johnsey Hopkins, as he was known, is depicted on 1820 census as the enslaver of four people. As Johnse on the 1830 census he is documented as as enslaving two people while having three free Black males in his household. On the 1840 census in Baltimore, he is shown as an enslaver of three males. On the 1850 census, he had one enslaved individual. It would be difficult sell marketing oneself as abolitionist over the course of three decades of enslaving bodies, best to let others do the heavy lifting.

The Making of a Myth

The Washington Post admitted that the mythology surround Johns Hopkins being an abolitionist was built on “scant evidence” then fails to elaborate much further.

Equally incredulous, JHU president Ron Daniels acknowledged that a research institution with the motto of “The Truth Will Set You Free” failed to closely examine at evidence that had for over a century been in plain view: “How did we embrace this so readily?” Daniels said as reported by the Post.

Asking the protectors of the fourth estate to conduct a postmortem on how such easily obtainable facts escaped their watchful eye is not unlike what one would get after asking law enforcement to suggest ways to reform police. This independent journalist’s obligation is only towards the ancestors and is guided by what’s in the record, what’s been left out and a questioning of the gatekeepers. Historical whitewashing by higher education and journalistic institutions under the guise of a a narrow definition of scholarship and free speech must end without delay.

Historians are not faring that much better when it comes to fence-sitting. Dr. Martha Jones, a Black woman heading Hopkins’ initiative to finally speak truth to power says about Hopkins in the Post article:

“He may have been a critic of slavery,” Jones said. “My initial observation is that more than one thing can be true at the same time, and was true for many individuals in the early United States.”

Martha Jones, PhD From Washington Post in Dec 2020 on whether Hopkins was both an abolitionist and an enslaver. She’s spearheading the “reckoning” and in 2022 admits her perspective is evolving.

Overreliance upon Thoms’ book provided cover for the abolitionist myth to thrive in the public domain. Dr. Jones’ curiously-named Hard Histories Project vows to examine “the role that racism and discrimination have played at Johns Hopkins” by engaging communities “in a frank and informed exploration of how racism has been produced and permitted to persist as part of our structure and our practice.”

Not uncoincidentally, the public relations use of Hopkins as an abolitionist has undoubtedly provided cover for Hopkins’ running roughshod over Black neighborhoods and scores of Black bodies like Henrietta Lacks. Maintaining a facade of being a friend to Blacks in the city was crucial in maintaining the steady from of obscene dollar amounts of government funding for research, not to mention how attractive it looked when seeking endowment contributions.

Dr. Jones’s leadership is needed on the manner in which the prolonged public relations campaign that feigned Hopkins’ abolitionist roots served the University financially if the reckoning includes a necessary and larger discussion about reparations for the community it exploited.

What follows below is a synopsis of what may be considered kernels of truth from Thom’s book that later morphed into a mythological creature that has financially benefited the institutions named in his honor:

MYTH: Hopkins as a confirmed bachelor forever mourning the love that was denied him by his uncle’s devotion to his faith never again looked for love. His love for the institutions would take over that place in his heart.

THOM: Hopkins had “affairs” of the heart and enjoyed the company of several women, but although he came close to a proposal, he never married. He feared failure and worried if he could remain faithful. Instead, he focused his on a maniacal quest to accumulate money, real estate, power, and to create an institutional legacy that would not fail him.  Admittedly, his first love was his cousin, an ill-fated relationship that he often lamented its demise due to his uncle’s disapproval.

MYTH:  Johns Hopkins was a friend to Black Marylanders. Hopkins’ proximity to the economic struggles of suffering Baltimoreans has provided them with a steady stream of government funding.

THOM:  Jim, the “faithful darkey” who often brought Johns his slippers and dressing gown was remembered in Johns’ will with a house on French St and $5, 000.  A Black servant Charles was left $2000 while a third, Chloe, the cook, was left $1000.

REALITY: Johns Hopkins was friendly to a few Blacks, most of those he owned as their enslaver at one point.

MYTH:  Johns Hopkins was an abolitionist.

THOM: The days of “ease and plenty” came to an abrupt end for him; Johns, barely 10 years old was called to work on the farm and care for his younger sibling.  The family’s loss of slave labor when he was a child wore heavily on Johns throughout his adult life.

THOM (also): [Johns Hopkins’] stood by the union, was a strong Abilitionist [sic] and his outspoken principles made him many enemies…]

REALITY: If Johns Hopkins ever thought fondly about the abolitionist movement that was in full swing over much of his adult life, he thought it best to take it with him to his grave.

When Fact Checking is a Bridge Too Far

Finding when a rumor starts is not always as important as who and when it was repeated. In the Post article, no blame or shame was expressed on how (or why) corporate journalists parroted the abolitionist fable for centuries.  Outside of Thom’s sentimental remembrances, the earliest mention of Johns Hopkins being anything close to an abolitionist was a portrayal of someone who favored Lincoln’s desire to preserve the union, which is not identical to being an abolitionist.

What might be the first published echoing on a sentiment that went unfactchecked could be an Associated Press article published in the Washington Post.

(1973) During the Richard Nixon administration, the Post published an obituary of Hopkins’ great niece from the Associated Press wire who called her great uncle: “an ardent abolitionist and assisted many blacks.”

(1989) When Maryland’s Light Rail System was being planned, Evening Sun columnist Peter Kumpa wrote hardly anything is known about Johns Hopkins, but wrote that during the Civil War Hopkins “remained a strong Unionist and abolitionist”. On the same day, the same paper’s editorial on “Medical centennial” refers to the hospital’s founder as a “intellectually unsophisticated man” refraining from bestowing any greatness to him personally other than achieving wealth.

The erroneous mentioning’s are numerous, and the effects are far reaching:

Sam Mollin, student body president at Hopkins from Washington Post Dec 9, 2020

The 200 years that Johns Hopkins, the man, has gone without scrutiny pales in comparison to the laissez-fairer approach local papers have had towards the institutions that bear his name. Much of the destruction Johns Hopkins Hospital has been able to inflict upon Blacks in Baltimore can be directly attributed to the exalted press not willing to ask the obvious questions.

Blacks have had only themselves to carry on the caution against exploitation of Black bodies that occurred within the hallowed halls of Johns Hopkins Hospital and Medical School. Now that the hood has been lifted, might the sun’s rays reach into the private institutions’ documentation of medical experimentation?

RESOURCES

1820 United States Federal Census. Johnsey Hopkins. 1820 U S Census; Census Place: District 2, Baltimore, Maryland; Page: 234; NARA Roll: M33_41; Image: 121. Ancestry.com Operations, Inc. 2010.

1830 United States Federal Census. Johnse Hopkins. 1830 Census Place: District 2, Baltimore, Maryland; Series: M19; Roll: 55; Page: 64; Family History Library Film: 0013178. Ancestry.com Operations, Inc. 2010.

1840 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Joseph Hopkins. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010.

Anderson, Nick, Lauren Lumpkin and Susan Svrluga. Johns Hopkins, benefactor of namesake hospital and university, was an enslaver. Washington Post. 9 Dec 2020 . Link


Bready, James H. Spirited search for the ultimate Maryland bottle. Baltimore Sun. 7 March 2004. Newspapers.com


Brown George W. Letter to John A. Andrew, Gov of Massachusetts. Delaware State Journal. 23 April 1861. Newspapers. com


“Century One at Johns Hopkins.” Editorial. The Evening Sun. 19 Feb 1976. Newspapers.com
Dibell, Kathie. Associated Press. Johns Hopkins Marks Its 75th Anniversary. The Daily Times. 15 May 1964. Newspapers.com

Kumpa, Peter. “He put us on the map, but we hardly know him. The Evening Sun.5 June 1989.

Thom, Helen Hopkins. “Johns Hopkins A Silhouette.” The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1929.

Dear Apologetic Racists: Call out racism today and save tomorrow’s apology

When someone apologizes for a lengthy and horrid past of appalling racist behaviors, as did the editorial staff at the Baltimore Sun newspaper recently, it simply begs the question of when they actually stopped being racist.

In a full-page mea culpa published in the paper on Sunday February 20, 2022, the Sun editorial staff explained in their view, they have been and honorable and service-oriented journalistic institution over much of their 185-year history. (Please clap) The editors insisted that there must be recognition for the Sun providing light for all [white people].

After a healthy amount of self-aggrandizing about their “important role” of “uncovering corruption” and “enlightening communities”, the Sun’s editorial board ultimately apologized for the paper’s role in the oppression of Blacks “for decades.” On occasion, the Board would have us believe, they stumbled into a vat of white supremacy leanings, and for that, they want Blacks to know, they are truly sorry.

If they wanted to demonstrate their grasp of how white supremacy works, the Apology would have recognized that their actions over centuries, (not decades as they admitted) stymied the aspirations of the entire United States of America.

This writer’s response is not to interrogate ad nauseum whether the Apology is sincere, sufficient (it isn’t) or whether it missed the mark altogether. Instead, what follows is an assessment of the editorial board’s lack of understanding of the philosophical and practical aspects of white supremacy, and its insidious nature. In doing so, this response is designed to illuminate how an apology too long delayed is an apology denied.

“The Sun sharpened, preserved and furthered the structural racism that still subjugates Black Marylanders in our communities today.”

From “We are deeply and profoundly sorry: For decades, The Baltimore sun promoted policies that oppressed Black Marylanders; we are working to make amends” Baltimore Sun editorial staff’s online Apology February 18, 2022

Any conversation about the ethics of US journalism or literally anything concerning Baltimore must begin with a discussion about racism. The Apology has many shortcomings and oversights worth addressing, but this particular response largely focuses on two specifics: first, the editors failed to with any earnestness address how today’s editorial decisions are tainted by its ongoing and current culture of white supremacy. (To clarify the Sun’s actions were not merely across decades but occurred over the course of two centuries.)

Secondly, before there can be any reconciliation between the paper and the larger community of the human race (clearly not just Blacks were injured by their actions) they have to confront some extremely hard truths that involve the man who could be called the H. L. Mencken of our times, Sir Lord of Potty Mouth Misogynistic Twitter rants David Simon, creator of HBO’s “The Wire”.

There is no honor in apologizing generations after the death of a man once his private diaries revealed him to wedded to principles of white supremacy. How long must the country wait until there is enough cover for the Sun to disavow Simon’s public embrace of the most horrible word used to subjugate and perpetuate racial division?

David Simon, former Baltimore Sun reporter
and general curmudgeon, on Twitter daily
H. L. Mencken, former Baltimore Sun reporter
and general curmudgeon, deceased

In the beginning, there were racists

If ethical qualms about racist people running a city’s newspaper of record would shutter doors, there would not be a paper in the entire United States. Racism is coded in the country’s DNA. The Sun’s editors traced its racist heritage back to the paper’s 19th century founder Arunah S. Abell. Abell created the paper and immediately began stoking “the fear and anxiety of white readers with stereotypes and caricatures that reinforced their erroneous beliefs about Black Americans,” wrote the editorial Board.

Also, as in accordance with American tradition, the proud white supremacist passed along his views to his children. The heirs worked in various aspects of the paper up to eventual leadership positions creating generational wealth by oppressing generations of Blacks. The Abell family’s control of the Sun papers lasted for 150 years, and its influence continues until this day.

“[Edwin F. Abell] was regarded as a safe and steadfast champion of the South’s inherited rights, her best traditions and material welfare”

From Baltimore It’s History and It’s People, Clayton Coleman Hall, 1912

Both sons, Edwin F. and George W, steered the mantle of the growing publishing behemoth to reach across the globe with foreign bureaus. There’s money in upholding white supremacy. It seems that Maryland’s unique positioning as a border between freedom and involuntary servitude coupled with Baltimore’s growing Black population was an especially lucrative position to hold.

“The Sun’s bigotry hurt its business”

From The Apology, Baltimore Sun editorial Board February 20, 2022

The 150-year period of family control over the privately-run paper was more than enough time to secure the generational wealth to the A. S. Abell family. By 1986, Sun was sold to the Times Mirror group for $600 million (a value of $926 million today).

White-washing the stain of white supremacy

Turns out a century is more than enough time to turn a penny paper into a near billion-dollar money making machine. Doing so while simultaneously cementing within the Sun a culture adhering to the basic tenants of white supremacy was most likely an unintended consequence. In preparation for the Apology, the editors should have read “How to be an Anti-Racist” by Ibram X Kendi and “White Fragility” by Robin Diangelo.

As the Board noted, the Sun’s hiring practices are atrocious for a predominately Black city. Regrettably, the Sun did not include an announcement to “go a different direction” with its leadership. Had its publisher and editor-in-chief since 2016, Trif Alatzas decided that coinciding with the Apology – now was the time to spend more time with his family – the paper would have garnered some goodwill points towards revealing hard truths.

The past Is not dead. It’s not even past

Consistently carrying the water for white supremacy leaves a stain as indelible as indigo ink on freshly picked cotton. Some of the paper’s most blatant racist actions in the 19th and 20th century were enumerated in the Apology for the world to see:

  • Advertising rewards offered for returning back to their enslaver people seeking freedom
  • Advocating the prevention of Black citizens to vote
  • Advocating keeping neighborhoods racially segregated “redlining”
  • Not hiring a Black reporter until the 1950s (and too few ever since)
  • Ignoring multiple and frantic calls to address police brutality spanning generations

“The paper’s prejudice hurt people…it hurt the nation as a whole by prolonging and propagating the notion that the color of someone’s skin has anything to do with their potential or their worth to the wider world.”

From The Apology, The Baltimore Sun Editorial board February 20, 2022

Mencken with children of the Johnson family in Booth Street. 1929

The venerable Henry L. Mencken was an author, Sun reporter, columnist and editor and also a well-known racist and vocal supporter of Johns Hopkins Hospital’s eugenics programs that included forced sterilization of lower-class women and incarcerated men.

Necessary Truths

The “profound” apology (for which they are “deeply ashamed” specifies incidents from the past with consequences that reverberate to the present. The editors catalogued much of its wrongdoing that occurred between the 1857 Dred Scott Decision through Mencken’s racist reign and up until it lambasted political correctness in the 1950s for denying that the atrocious Birth of a Nation movie simply depicted the sentiments of its time.

“The Baltimore Sun frequently employed prejudice as a tool of the times.” The most recent event mentioned was a 2002 editorial dismissing the qualifications of Michael Steele, a candidate for Lt. Governor beyond simply being a token Black man.

Omnipresence of white supremacy

Recognizing racist behavior, for many has become the relatively easy part in wake of the murder of George Floyd. However, dismantling systems of white supremacy is really hard work, and the Sun has a long road ahead. Grappling with dismantling apartheid systems, South Africa gave the world a lesson in the way forward: exhaustively recognize specific truths and then foster pathways that would permit reconciliation.

In 2022, as the influence of newspapers are at record lows and the Sun’s finances are in dire straits, the Sun outlined their regrets and offered a way forward. The paper demonstrated its commitment by “atoning for the paper’s past wrongs regarding race” with a bulleted list of action item which include:

  • Lauch a reporting team to tell more Black stories
  • Establish a community engagement committee
  • Build a database of sources that could be called upon to diversify voices
  • Hire fewer white people and more “people of color”

Mere hours after its Apology, the Sun announced a about a half dozen new hires. The goodwill garnered by the Apology was immediately tempered by an exchange on social media:

Screen grab from Twitter on February 26, 2022

Denouncing David Simon as the way forward

There’s likely no correlation (certainly none that could be proven) between two Maryland events: H.L. Mencken’s death in January 1956 and David Simon’s birth in February 1960, but that’s no reason to refrain from making the argument that Simon is more likely than not, Mencken reincarnated.

Sealed until 25 years after he died, the contents of Mencken’s diary published in 1989 was discovered to be filled with hate speech that included anti-sematic rants that shocked even his closest friends who immediately distanced themselves from him. Many spoke openly about their disdain: ″The diaries are almost sick. I mean he hated everybody,″ said Gwinn Owens, a former editor and columnist on The Evening Sun whose father, Hamilton Owens, was a long-time Sunpapers editor and friend of Mencken’s, as reported by the Associate Press.

“… it is impossible to talk anything resembling discretion or judgment to a colored woman. They are all essentially child-like, and even hard experience does not teach them anything.″

From Menken’s diary, dated September 1943

The Sun’s response was to back Mencken as being colorful curmudgeon and double down by immortalizing his words by placing a colorful quote on the wall of the newsroom. The desicion to ride or die with Menken is a clear reflection of how entrenched white supremacy’s roots were dug in deep at the Sun. In the Apology, the Sun reiterated the numerous times they could have recognized or distanced themselves from Mencken and for that they apologized.

No one comes close to Mencken’s legendary status at the Sun. David Simon although has surpassed him. The creator of HBO’s critically acclaimed show The Wire has elevated Simon into the pantheon of television greats. He prefers to his misogynistic and crude comments to be enjoyed during his lifetime and posts frequently on social media and not privately in a diary.

Simon joined the Sun in 1983. By 1988 the young reporter had spent a year embedded within the notoriously corrupt Baltimore City Police department. His experience led to the publishing of his book, “Homicide, A Year on the Killing Streets.” The book and subsequent Hollywood productions catapulted David Simon to the rarefied air that in his mind apparently allows him to use the most profane and racist word known to Blacks.

The young reporter was granted unprecedented access to Baltimore police. One could only imagine just what it took for Simon, a truth-seeking journalist, to be able to forge a bond of trust with various members of a department known for its secrecy due to its over- reliance upon unconstitutional and racist behaviors. It’s worth noting that no exposé of police wrongdoings surfaced as a result of his “investigative reporting”. A few police officers were given acting roles on Simon’s Hollywood projects though.

With the city reeling because of the ineptitude of the police department at a annual price tag of half billion dollars, some have wondered what role Simon’s work has had on the city’s notable violent nature since he came on board The Sun. In January 2022, Lara Bazelon wrote about the numerous misconduct lawsuits against many of the men Simon cozied up to for New York Magazine.

The Sun should have been first to that story, but it is not too late for them to examine how “elite” officers become “untouchable.” If sincerity is at the heart of the Apology, then addressing the contributions David Simon has had as an embedded reporter to the bullet proof cover the department has enjoyed in avoiding accountability would be a clear indication of their intentions.

If the Sun were to speak hard truths to and about David Simon, it would certainly put a crack in the foundation of white supremacy that the Sun is built upon.

Twitter suspended Simon. Many have taken public stands against his language on social media. The Sun can begin atoning for the sins of its father and finally exorcise the ghosts of A. S. Abell by breaking its silence. Editors need only to summon the brashness and evoke the spirit of Mencken himself and speak truth to the powerful David Simon.

When you can’t trust the police…

Prologue: In a city where the tally of unsolved murders reach the triple digits each year, it is still surprising when a homicide detective’s murder becomes a cold case in Baltimore City.

The November 2017 broad daylight shooting death of detective Sean Suiter in a residential neighborhood has reached its third anniversary. The one sketchy suspect description was quickly recanted by the one eyewitness (also a detective).

With each passing year, it looks more probable (and not just possible) that Suiter was lured to Bennett Place, trapped in the alley, put down like a dog in the street, and the crime scene (held by police for an abnormally extended time period) was staged to look like a suicide.

A bombshell press conference by Suiter’s grieving family broke through the typical blue wall of silence in May 2019 when they claimed that the 39-year old’s murder was an inside job. This occurred on the heels of the department pledging to investigate itself when it brought in a panel called the “Independent Review Board” (IRB) to review their casefiles and in their 2018 report arrived at a manner of death different that the coroner (suicide versus homicide).

To be clear, the Suiter family believes Baltimore police was involved in the murder of one of their own, and they are not alone.

Cops controlled the narrative and the neighborhood

Controlling the narrative about the possibility of Suiter being shot with his own service weapon that allegedly was found under his body was equally as important as controlling movement in and around the crime scene around the clock for days on end.

A sober look at the case reveals much of what local media outlets have “reported” is merely a regurgitation of Baltimore Police spin. Consider the source: maybe, just maybe, the department could be frantically covering up a murder, making it prudent for professional journalists to take what law enforcement said (and probably more important what they haven’t said) with a healthy dose of skepticism.

Coverage of the Sean Suiter homicide began with widely reported misinformation that he was shot as he knocked on doors following up on a year old triple murder in the west Baltimore community of Harlem Park. The public later learned that he was likely confronted in the alley (and not the lot) and that he was assisting another junior homicide detective (David Bomenka) with his murder case that happened just weeks prior.

Unfounded Accusation #1: Suiter was shot with his own gun.

Truth: That is pure speculation on four crucial fronts:

  1. BPD (poorly) reenacted the “discovery” of the bullet that they said killed him. This happened in front of cameras by members of the homicide unit after the crime scene unit had released the area coming up empty after digging in the exact same spot looking for other missing bullets. NOTE: The “evidence” was too damaged to run ballistics tests to try and determine if Suiter’s gun fired that bullet. All that can be proven is that the bullet dramatically “discovered” at the scene is the same type that is used by BPD. It is not hyperbole to state that Baltimore Police have made an artform out of planting evidence.
Screengrab of a local television station’s cameras that captured BPD “discovery” of the bullet that killed Det. Sean Suiter just after ending the weeklong lockdown “securing the crime scene” ie media blackout – only to have reporters camera’s booted out again.

2. Suiter’s gun has a serial number. The public has have not been shown if the weapon tested has the same serial number as the Glock service weapon that was assigned to him.

3. The public should be comfortable assuming only that the bullet that killed Suiter likely came from one of the thousands of similar weapons issued by the Baltimore Police department.

4. Suiter may not have ever fired a gun that day. His hand were wiped clean by an overzealous (unidentified) hospital employee, police said. While the report spends an inordinate amount of time discussing the blood on his sleeve, no mention was made of whether gunshot residue (GSR) tests were performed on his shirt or his jacket. Also curious is that BPD originally reported that blood was recovered on his suit jacket and was later changed to his sleeve for no apparent reason once the suicide theory took hold. No explanation is provided for the absence of any photographs on either Suiter’s jacket or his shirt before the IRB became involved a whole year after the shooting.

Unfounded Accusation #2 : Suiter fell on his gun.

Truth: No one has come forward saying they saw Suiter fall or can definitively say where his gun was before he was moved into the patrol car:

At best, the detective with Suiter is an unreliable witness (also a tradition at BPD) and at worse he saw who killed the detective, manipulated the crime scene and/or took part in the cover up. Only photos grabbed from body worn cameras (BWC) of responding officers were provided to the press and there have been no statements attributed to any specific individual saying he or she saw the gun under his body.

It’s not out of the realm of possibility that BPD planted a gun at the scene, removed it and submitted one into evidence and claimed it to be Suiter’s. Ironically, Suiter was scheduled to testify about how multiple Baltimore police officers conspired to hide an illegal fatal car chase by planting evidence that sent two innocent Black men to prison rather than admit they were merely speeding.

NOTE: BPD was reprimanded by the IRB for the contaminated crime scene and “recovery” of a service weapon from the trunk of a patrol car belonging to an unidentified officer at some unspecified time that was logged into evidence as Suiter’s gun.

Baltimore Police’s “Independent Review Board Report. Page 37
  1. In his official interviews, according to the IRB report, homicide detective David Bomenka changed his version of what he saw: included seeing a. Suiter in the act of falling, b. having just collapsed to the ground and c. having had already fallen. But he was was steadfast that he didn’t see a gun in his hand; he only said that he saw gun smoke near Suiter.
  2. Most surprisingly, we don’t know if Bomenka saw or heard Suiter on his departmental radio. There was a transmission of Suiter sounding like he was in distress just as he was shot, according to officials. That would be a question worth knowing the answer to.
  3. When back up officers arrived once Bomenka (or someone) called 911 (the public has not heard the recording either), the photo from the BWC and presented in the IRB report is out of focus and unclear. The peculiar wording indicates the officers “could see” the gun, not that they did see or even that said that they saw the gun. It’s a crucial distinction.

The newspaper of record in March 2018 reported as fact that Suiter’s gun, “freshly fired” was underneath his body when responding officers arrived. It’s important for responsible journalists to distinguish what police said and attribute their claims to the source as opposed to offering up speculation as factual information to a trusting public that journalists have not independently verified or obtained similar statements from multiple sources on the record.

Out of many, the most absurd claim is IRB’s determination that Suiter’s weapon undisputedly fired the fatal shot as it defies logic. First, they tested the blood on the gun BPD found in the patrol car of an unnamed officer who presented it as the same gun that was “freshly fired” that no one saw under his body. Voila, the blood tested on the gun gift wrapped to them matched Suiter’s DNA. Mind you Suiter was transported in a patrol car to the hospital bleeding from a head wound. Whoever removed the gun from the crime scene had ample opportunity to place blood on a service weapon – either a random service weapon or actually the one that belonged to Suiter.

IRB’s suicide theory would have been a more convincing claim had the IRB report included:

  • the serial numbers of Suiter’s assigned weapon showing they matched the gun tested
  • the gun tested was the exact same one was recovered at the crime scene (instead of a car trunk), but there are no crime scene photographs of where the gun was found making this impossible
  • BWC that clearly captured arriving officer’s discovery of the gun under his body as he was rolled over that may or may not be available
  • crime scene photos of the location of the gun and the bullet that no one thought to take
  • whether or not Suiter’s DNA was found on the “recovered” bullet
  • if bullets and casings didn’t just magically disappear from the scene after Suiter died

Confusingly, IRB depicts in a photo the bullet that was not tested for ballistics, have no DNA on them (presumably), and have zero evidentiary value. What should be pictured is Suiter’s firearm circling where the blood splatter was located that actually tested positive for his DNA. Page 42 of IRB report.

Missing from the report is exact amount of blood splatter reportedly on the gun that IRB tested for DNA recovered and tested from the barrel and gun surface. An assessment should be made about whether Suiter’s blood found on the weapon is consistent with someone adding blood to it, or if it is likely that the blood was from a single shot being fired at close range near someone’s head. The IRB made a similar splatter determination with blood photographed on the sleeve, but did not do so with the “smoking gun.”

The problems with a complicit media

So many questions remain unanswered about the investigation, despite the IRB. Last year, a second review of the case by Maryland State Police (MSP) was conducted, but to date no report was released to the public. Unlike the IRB, MSP did not conduct a press conference leaving media outlets to get the finding from Commissioner Michael Harrison. Without any scrutiny from the public, MSP concluded that Suiter shot himself in the head after firing three or more shots into the air before shooting himself.

Neither panel brought in by Baltimore Police department to “investigate” their investigation reported on the lockdown of Harlem Park and BPD certainly didn’t request that either group look into whether it was possible that anyone manipulated the crime scene as part of a wider cover up.

As long as the case remains open, public access to documents remain shielded. Harrison, the fourth commissioner since the shooting, had called the investigation closed after MSP’s findings, only walk it back once the State’s Attorney’s office countered him by calling it an open and pending matter last year as the second anniversary of Suiter’s death approached.

Even with what little is known, it should be at least clear that beyond statements attributed to David Bomenka, nothing reliable has been presented that 1. Suiter was shot with his own service weapon or 2. that his body fell on a smoking gun. Such reporting is far from fact and closer to fable. What is discernable from the reporting is that members of the media were not able to view BWC, did not hear the 911 call for help, have not spoken with any investigators on the record, or even been given witness statements to read.

In advance of the August 2018 IRB report the Baltimore Sun used unnamed and anonymous sources to float out the idea that Suiter shot himself in the head and then fell on his “freshly fired” gun as “new details”.

More from Baltimore Sun’s story by Justin Fenton from March 2018 just before the announcement that an IRB panel would be reviewing the methods BPD used to investigate the homicide.

Residents in the community heard between four and five gunshots according to news reports. Miraculously, after occupying the neighborhood for a week, the crime scene unit was unable to recover a single bullet, although they did retrieve three casings near where he lay dying in the lot. There’s no definitive proof offered that the recovered casings in any way matched Suiter’s weapon, yet the IRB said without hesitancy that they came from his gun, presumably because they were recovered near his body. The leaps in this reasoning might not be judged as too far fetched- had they found the other missing bullets that went into the air but didn’t come down where they could be easily found even after a week of looking for them.

Regrettably, mainstream media in real time shrugged at the occupation of West Baltimore during this entire process, arguably because of the nature of the crime makes them sympathetic to the dangers of law enforcement and more subtlety because the color of the skin of the people complaining about overreach made their claims less newsworthy. Although in November 2019 the ACLU heard the complaints and filed a lawsuit against BPD which did gain media attention.

To any casual observer, the unprecedented 24/7 lockdown of the neighborhood had nothing to do with looking for a shooter, or finding bullets (since they came up empty on both fronts) but served to manipulate the scene and make sure any concocted story would match witness accounts prompting a social media hashtag #FreeWestBaltimore.

Baltimore Sun Cowers in the Shadows of Fear as Abolishing Police Effort Sees Daylight

BALTIMORE – A defund police movement is kicking up dust across the country and an argument can certainly be made that the Baltimore Sun is feverishly busy sweeping the efforts under the rug.

This indeed is that argument.

What you call a thing matters. Journalists of any consequence know that. Some see an uprising that could lead to a revolt as a pathway to freedom. Others may see a riot that could result in a rebellion as a gateway to regime change – their regime.

defund the police street art
Artist @drew_koritzer posted on Twitter by @OrganizingBlack and supported by @DMVBlackLives, @byp100

A lot depends on one’s views on oppression. Regrettably, in a June 8, 2020 commentary, the Sun’s editorial stance reveals itself again to be on the wrong side of history with Black Baltimore and it is done at a time when it matters the most to all of the city’s citizens.

Baltimore’s deeply rooted racism

Baltimore City has a long history with what some today might call  “both sidesism.” Back in the mid 1800s  when the nation was struggling with how to proceed with demands to abolish slavery, the City’s economic and political leaders instead aligned itself with plantation owners of the south.  However, the Governor assured President Abraham Lincoln of Maryland’s allegiance to the Union’s cause.

Predictably heavily pro Confederate members of the Maryland State Assembly were arrested to thwart an insurrection.  This move merely forced southern sympathizers into hiding.  Is recent as May 2020, pamphlets and recruitment into Ku Klux Klan (KKK) espousing white supremacy are still commonplace in Maryland.

lincoln cropped

If Baltimore’s elite class had its way, there wouldn’t even had been a president Lincoln.  A thwarted plot to assassinate the president-elect as he traveled through the state on his way to his first inauguration is a story of legend.

Fast forward 160 years. Again we have a climbing crescendo of calls for local politicians to see an immoral institution as antiquated.  States are choosing to re-imagine public safety and policing in way that excludes the existence of the Baltimore Police department.

Where the Sun stands

Staying with the devil they know, The Sun has decided that there are indeed good people on both sides of #AbolishPolice efforts.  It returns to surface the old axiom that the “bad apples” within the department are resistant to submersion.

Are the police really that irredeemable, or are there just some bad apples that need to be sorted out? Maybe, maybe not. But at its heart, the defund movement isn’t really about getting rid of police entirely.” – Baltimore Sun Editorial May 8, 2020

 

It may help to think of the editorial board as the restaurant managers who decide on the décor, select the vendors, approve the menu, set work schedules. And then think of the reporters as the cooks in the kitchen. This perhaps helps to place its editorial in perspective.

Screenshot (121)

Two weeks after the George Floyd video that shocked the consciousness of most Americans went viral, the Sun’s editorial staff gave us a glimpse into whether it was shaping up to be a fine dining or an earnest family style establishment.

What we got was neither. With the Sun, we were forced fed the predictable greasy spoon diner fare commonly served up for the regulars who show up for the paper since segregation was legal and are known by name.

Since May 25th when 46 year old Floyd gasped his last breath under the weight of a knee to the back of his neck by an officer on a Minneapolis city sidewalk – up  until the editorial was published on June 8th, Baltimore had 11 straight days of protests in the street.

Proof corporations are not people

While organizers were busy lobbing tear gas canisters back at police, the owners of the Sun (and the Chicago Tribune) were reinforcing its blockade. Owners of both papers, Tribune Publishing, have called for more policing while reducing the demands to #AbolishPolice to be “ardent police critics, those who see the roots of modern policing in the practice of hunting down escaped slaves,” write the Sun editorial staff.

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In a June 10th editorial, the Chicago Tribune referenced its own Freddie Gray policing nightmare, the shooting death of 17 year old Laquan McDonald in 2014.  After an alleged  years-long cover up Chicago’s entered into its own federal Consent Decree in 2017  dictating ways to reform.

If only the Tribune Co’s editorial staff objectively read its own papers, they would see evidence of systemic racism in its very midst.

Resting on the idea that police are able to reform itself as the magic elixir is extremely unnerving especially to the over-policed communities they cover. Corporate ownership of news outlets has permitted business interests to usurp public accountability and shape a narrative that’s out of sync with the nation’s consciousness.

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A local paper in Minneapolis, MN warned caution against the defund police movement as well. The Star Tribune, owned by local businessman Glen Taylor echoed his city’s business leaders in saying getting rid of crime fighters will not eliminate crime. There’s not enough space in the entire cyber-sphere to adequately respond to that reasoning.  Suffice it to say – if only police were crime fighters, then it would be a discussion worth having.

This national moment of reckoning about police practices is rightly giving new momentum to overdue reform efforts. George Floyd’s death moved Americans to say “enough” and demand change. It should come soon. – Star Tribune Editorial June 10, 2020

Predictably, the Sun is waiting to see if the blue coats or if the grey coats capture the flag of this country’s moral future.  If Black lives are ever to matter in Baltimore, we can’t wait for  editorial staff sit on the sideline to see how another state fares.  “We would like to see how Minneapolis and other cities fare with their approaches,” wrote the Editorial staff.

The editorial team of all three papers are prepared to take a wait and see approach. They rest comfortably while their cooks/reporters and photographers scurry back and forth attempting to make palatable what the public can no longer digest.

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Consent decrees bridge activists and police to a road to nowhere

Be wary of those who grasp desperately onto the promise of police reform because it will create yet another black hole where exorbitant consultant fees and federal funds quickly disappear.

In May of this year, Seattle, WA asked to be removed from the constraints of its 2012 consent decree claiming it to be in full compliance with reform mandates.  The mission accomplished banner seems to be tarnished in wake of the national #disbandPolice movement.

Seattle protesters against police abuses created a law enforcement free “autonomous zone” called either CHAZ or CHOP after commandeering a local precinct building. The federal judge was expected to rule in August on the city’s request to come up from under its consent decree.

The recent events of Seattle show that “police reform” should no longer be on the menu. Nevertheless, the Sun editorial state reveals its stance that “There’s an urgency to addressing police misconduct and criminal justice disparities … but not necessarily to fundamentally changing course [emphasis added].” 

Resort to gaslighting when reason fails

Reform advocates are on one end of the spectrum while those who view defunding as an essential first step towards abolishing police is on another. Anybody who tells you differently is gaslighting you.

Baltimore Sun seems adamant in explaining that both people in reality are asking for the same thing.

A head chef/crime reporter, Justin Fenton, shocked the world in a June 19th article, when he wrote” The calls [to defund] mean different things to different people. Some organizations pushing for police reform want fewer resources for police and more money for the community.” He recognized a leader in the abolitionist movement is the People’s Power Assembly, something the editorial left out.

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A day after the City’s largest march, lead by Baltimore’s youth on June 1, it was made clear what the unifying demands were for the thousands who canvassed Baltimore’s streets.

“We are not calling for police reform. We are calling for police abolition. We understand that the police establishment as a whole is too corrupt for reform, therefore we are calling for a complete restructuring of the system.” – from The Youth June 2, 2020

Is the corporate media giant, respective editorial staff, and select reporters each taking turns gaslighting the rest of the nation? No.

Many of journalism’s stalwarts, much like most police departments, are institutional relics fervently resistant to change.  Both entrepreneur David Troy (in a 2016  editorial)  and Maryland Delegate Bilal Ali (in a 2018 letter to then Mayor Catherine Pugh) proposed disbanding the department.

They did so in the wake of very public corruption scandals proposing that reforming a culture of covering up criminality isn’t in the best interest of those victimized by BPD.

“I propose that this 150-year experiment be swiftly ended. Let’s shut down the Baltimore Police Department as it exists in its current form and create a new agency that is empowered and properly constituted to meet all constitutional and legal requirements as set forth by the DOJ from its inception. ” – David Troy, 2016 Baltimore Sun

In a supreme act of gaslighting, the Sun’s editorial sought to shove down our throats the mightiest of comfort food when it wrote: “Frankly, police departments were already headed toward defunding.”  Surely the Sun isn’t suggesting that without the direct action of burning down precincts – we would have gotten here eventually anyways? Riiiight.

The Sun’s editorial brain trust didn’t mention the years of work and ideas put forth by the likes of Troy, Ali, PPA, The Youth, or ACLU.  Instead it awarded a defacto defunding of Law Enforcement to (wait for it) the resume of President Donald Trump.   The Sun viewed his mishandling of the COVID19 pandemic as akin to an unintended consequence that pushed municipalities toward “lean times” that will affect police budgets – thus defund them.

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The degree of mental gymnastics the board performed to arrive at thank Trump for defunding police is a marvel yet to be paralleled.

One can only surmise that the Sun is trying to tell its readership that the thing that they see (a demand to upend Baltimore Police)  isn’t  the thing that they fear – an effort to dismantle White Supremacy.

An unexamined editorial position is not one worth having. Whether this argument stands that the Sun is cowering from the light that oppressive policing is no longer palatable will be known soon enough.

Soon the recently racially diverse editorial staff will likely to take a stance on upcoming issues ripe for gaslighting: the city’s budget priorities, the presidential debates, the ongoing failures of the consent decree and the leadership of  Commissioner Michael Harrison.  I’ll be right here waiting, sort of.

Lincoln had it right.  Maybe the way to challenge the system is to put on a disguise, and make only clandestine  trips through Baltimore.

 

Don’t Blame The Messenger: A Case for Defending TMZ

Law enforcement in Los Angeles County has drawn first blood against online celebrity news organization TMZ. The Los Angeles Sheriff’s department admonished the online news organization for reporting that Kobe Bryant died in a helicopter crash on Sunday, January 26th before its members could officially notify the victims’ next of kin.

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Screengrab capture Twitter @TMZ

Bearer of Bad News

Being on the receiving end of hearing that a loved one has died is never easy, no matter who the messenger is. If the death is unexpected, let alone violent, only makes the news more unbearable.

No “good way” exists for the family of the victims of a helicopter crash to hear that no survivors were recovered from a fiery ball high above the hills surrounding Malibu, California. The healing will never be complete for those who loved: Kobe Bryant, Gianna “Gigi” Bryant, Alyssa Atobelli, John Atobelli, Keri Altobelli, Christina Mauser, Payton Chester, Sarah Chester, and the pilot, Ara Zobayan.

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Screengrab Twitter @LASDMurakami

The space shuttle Challenger exploded on live television in 1986 killing everyone on board. Surely family and friends were taken aback at the horror that unfolded before their eyes. Among others, family members of Cantor Fitzgerald’s employees who were working when an airplane flew into the World Trade Center, would have benefit from preparing, but instead all were shocked as the towers imploded in New York City on September 11, 2001.

Accidents happen.  Notification of the sudden death of Kobe Bryant was big news. Peoples’ horrified reaction upon learning that family members (who were aware that people they loved were also in the helicopter) were notified of the accident via TMZ is understandable.  This happened simply because the news worthiness of the celebrity on board of the downed helicopter and it is indeed regrettable. It’s a sad, sad story.

Let’s make this clear:  TMZ reporting on the facts as they knew them, as soon as they felt certain of it, did nothing wrong.

Hero Worshiping

Hearing that a celebrity died evokes similar feelings as it was a family member. No one wants to learn from a Tweet that someone close to them died in an accident. Our country’s most revered heroes aren’t (as they are in some cultures) teachers, scientists, revolutionaries, writers, or statesmen; we make gods out of professional athletes.

We cannot escape celebrity culture. Helicopters fly over “private” weddings and disrupt solemn funerals. The tabloids, gossip columns fueled by paparazzi of yesteryear have been replaced by anyone with a working cell phone and camera. Law enforcement released photos of superstar musician Prince’s last known healthy moments before falling fatally ill, as reported by TMZ.

So, it’s not a lost point that people want to blame the media for being the bearer of bad news.

What Journalism Is and Isn’t

It bears watching how long law enforcement and public sentiment stay married as unlikely bedfellows in this instance.  Emotions are raw, making TMZ, owned by Warner Brothers, an easy target.

As one of the largest and most successful purveyors of “checkbook journalism”, TMZ, isn’t free of criticism.

No reputable news agency will admit to paying for stories. Those that do are admonished and labeled tabloids or gossip rags.  It is unknown how much TMZ pays and if it goes so far as to pay corrupt public servants receiving taxpayer dollars to act as snitches for sale.

Getting to the story first is one of the last badges of honor those working in the industry has remaining.

TMZ, which debuted in 2005, has quickly and rightfully earned its place high upon the pantheon for getting celebrity scoops. It gained notoriety with the actor Mel Gibson’s DUI arrest and earned Newsweek’s “Breakout Blog of 2007.” By 2009, it earned its place in pop history and media bonafides by being the first to report the death of global superstar Michael Jackson.

Getting the news fast and accurate is what most outlets strive to do. Most of what gets to the masses from law enforce through a public information officer (PIO) has been scrubbed to remove any chances to taint the criminal justice process.

Media does not have the same obligation as law enforcement officers.

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Screengrab Twitter @TMZ

Money most assuredly corrupts most things that it touches. If paying for a story casts doubt in the mind of the public of people’s motives for selling it, or evokes suspicion about the accuracy or authenticity of the information, that’s sound enough reasons to not do it.

In the case of TMZ, that doesn’t seem not to be the issue with its highly publicized and one the money scoops. It has avoided being duped with a forged document or a fooled by a tampered video.

Timing in the news business has always been of the essence.

From the other side of the lens, celebrities themselves have been part of greasing the wheel of exploitation and aiding the race of media giants to get the story first. Reportedly the photos of the twin babies of Angelina Jolie and Brad Pitt was sold in 2008 to People Magazine for $14 million. The famous couple has not confirmed that amount, but did disclose that their photos from their daughter Shiloh two year prior was sold for a $2 million donation to charity.

In a New Yorker interview, TMZ’s managing editor Harvey Levin said nominal amounts are paid to sources for tips. Money is handed out for a list of clients for a limo service, photographs, and reportedly $250,000 for the elevator video of Solange Knowles altercation with JayZ in an elevator with Beyonce (TMZ has said it paid $5,000).

Policing the Free Press

The LA Sheriff’s department is riled up in wake of this tragedy because a news agency did not bow down and wait for them as the last and authoritative word in reporting the facts. TMZ had other reliable sources.

A nation’s hero died.

TMZ did what any responsible corporate outlet would do. It  kept to it’s business plan.  It answered to Warner Brothers’ stockholders. It scooped the mainstream outlets. TMZ bypassed the authorities who sanitize and eek out information on the justice system’s timetable. We all should expect blowback.

I’ve been thinking about my RT last night (see below), mere hours after the story broke that family members learned of a loved ones’ death via a news outlet instead of law enforcement authorities.Screenshot (3361)

 

We should applaud TMZ for not simply becoming an amplifier for government agencies repeating sanitized versions for the masses.  Too many times in my hometown of Baltimore, reporters rely only on law enforcement. Entire stories are single sourced, ie “police say” and through only one “authorized” channel.

More corporate media types should work to cultivate independent and reliable sources outside of the public relations offices of law enforcement.

A free and unencumbered press is essential to a working democracy.

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The Hunting Season: Targeting BPD’s Sean Suiter and Ike Carrington

 

 

BALTIMORE — Reporters pulled at threads to piece together a coherent follow up story today to tidy up loose ends poking out about the near fatal shooting of Baltimore City police detective Isaac “Ike” Carrington.

The city’s newspaper of record, The Baltimore Sun, took pains to distinguish how police “blocked” traffic during Carrington’s transport to the hospital, but didn’t “shut down” streets as reported by sometime rival/sometime media partner television station WBAL. On Thursday, Aug 22 flailing local outlets sought out a second day story after Carrington, 43,  was craftily released from the hospital orchestrated by the department’s public relations team.

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At the center of the patrol vehicles’ “block vs charge” debate is a friend of City Council President Brandon Scott, Ike Carrington, who has not given an interview to the press though the public has gotten to know him from his YouTube appearances.  We’ve learned that Carrington is a family man, fashion entrepreneur and police sergeant with a 22-year career in one of the nation’s most notoriously corrupt law enforcement agencies.

The curtain shielding the extent of corruption was pulled back during a high profile trial of two Baltimore Police department (BPD) officers in a specialized unit named Gun Trace Task Force (GTTF) four other BPD unit members testified in early 2018 that the corruption was rampant to the degree that even the Baltimore States Attorney was tipping BPD off about feds poking their noses in. Two sergeants Thomas Allers and Wayne Jenkins did not  testify against the slew of corrupt officers as cooperating witnesses and received harsh penalties.

Even before the cops/fed witnesses held their hands up to swear to tell the truth in fed court early 2018 about their extensive criminal activities,  Det Sgt Sean Suiter was shot in a vacant alley in West Baltimore. The still unsolved murder elevated suspicion that he was targeted for his role in planting evidence along with GTTF’s leader Wayne Jenkins.

Suiter died of a single gunshot wound to the back of his head on the exact same day he was scheduled to be a fed witness against the organized crime run out of BPD HQ by some of its most decorated officers.

Reporters looking at the Aug 8, 2019 attempted murder of Ike Carrington without revisiting the early 2018 GTTF trial and Sean Suiter’s Nov 2017 murder in Harlem Park would be committing the same professional bungling BPD is known for.

Putting a Hit on Officers Isn’t That Far Fetched

Dirty cops come with dirty laundry.  No one wants to keep that stench under wraps than those who thrive on the turnstiles that make up the criminal justice system – law enforcement, judges, and prosecutors.

Whilst the feds were making its case against GTTF’s dirty cops using wiretaps and surveillance, the Department of Justice (DOJ) was also rummaging through BPD HQ in response to the homicide death of Freddie Gray while in police custody.  Jenkins as the supervisor of GTTF, used the unrest to cash in – by selling looted pharmaceutical drugs. Record overdoses and violence immediately followed in the most vulnerable neighborhoods where GTTF tended to prey with lucrative results.

Truth be known, the lack of integrity of BPD officers was simmering under the surface way before the GTTF scandal boiled over.  Arguably, the most noteworthy notch in Carrington’s two decades long career with BPD (that is before being shot in the back running from a gunman while off duty) was his partnership with oft disciplined BPD Officer Thomas Wilson III.

Then federal judge, and now Baltimore City Police solicitor Andre Davis, had a peculiar habit of throwing out drug cases. He also had well publicized scathing remarks about the trustworthiness of drug bust investigations conducted by Wilson and Carrington.

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As a federal judge, Davis routinely reprimanded Baltimore Police and in doing so, undermined the integrity of prosecutors’ cases (when he didn’t out and out dismiss charges against drug kingpins).  It wouldn’t be a stretch to assume notorious drug dealers would delight in seeing Judge Davis handle their case – betting the unconstitutional behavior of BPD would draw his ire enough to toss the charges all together freeing them to carry on.

Ike Carrington Linked to GTTF Through Wilson

As if Judge Davis calling Wilson out on several occasions from 2003 to 2008 wasn’t enough, confessed drug dealer, fence for BPD’s Wayne Jenkins, Donald Stepp testified during the GTTF trial that Wilson worked side hustles for Jenkins and was familiar with Jenkins drug dealing. All local media found the GTTF trial compelling but to have a civilian insider who also worked as a bailbondsman  relay his brash testimony was novel.  A colorful character on the witness stand, Donald Stepp routinely dropped nuggets, like exposing Wilson as an ally of Jenkins, and keeping photos of GTTF shenanigans on his cell phone.

Media Missing The Big Picture

Two weeks after Carrington’s shooting, local established media outlets have not yet made the connection between the shooting of the fashionable sergeant in front of his home and the GTTF probe. Screenshot (1138)

It did pop up on social media when public defender Todd Oppenheim posted a query that no MSM picked up on.  His Tweet is what led to this article. Specifically, Oppenheim called into question the partner history between Wilson and Carrington and wondered publicaly why no reporter had asked BPD officials if that GTTF link could be a possible motive for Carrington getting chased and shot in broad daylight.

It’s likely that the new commissioner Michael Harrison would behave exactly like his predecessor Kevin Davis who proclaimed that while the department had uncovered no motive for Suiter’s murder, his being scheduled to testify in a grand jury against his blue brethren was no way connected to his untimely demise. Zilch. Nada.

Independent journalists have looked closely into the Suiter case to reveal the possibility that the well respected officer was being exposed like a sitting duck. Namely Justine Barron has taken a painstaking look, frame by frame, of the video recovered that captures minutes leading up to his murder and BPD’s response.

Just this time last year, #WestBaltimore residents waited to exhale after holding its collective breath for the “independent” review board (IRB) examination of BPD’s November 2017 murder investigation of husband and father Sean Suiter.

From all appearances Suiter’s killer laid in wait until his partner David Bomenka was out of view before he was able to shoot the veteran homicide detective in the back of the head. Bomenka claimed he never saw anybody.

The IRB concluded there was no  convincing evidence that Suiter was murdered (but they never looked at his partner as being a suspect, only a witness) making suicide the only remaining option.  They also ruled out the shot to the back of the head as an accident.  PC Davis, after he was fired, stood by the decision to investigate Suiter’s death as a homicide and called the suicide theory “absurd.”

Woefully, initial media reports tend to be clumsy and hurried because the situation is fluid and outlets are desperate to not be scooped by their competitors. Add to in the high emotions of when police are investigating one of their own as a crime victim, we can be sure that this department will spin out of control ignoring all policies, protocols and training as it the IRB documented that they did during Suiter homicide almost a year ago.

BPD Shapping Ike’s Narrative

Harrison’s BPD has kept media at bay and orchestrated the messaging about the shooting with a public relations spin that has pushed local reporters to the periphery.

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The wounded officer’s release from the hospital Wednesday was accompanied by a social media maelstrom of photos of salutes from various angles by various first responders provided by BPD. Media was not permitted access to Carrington who has not given a public statement about his attackers.

Earliest Reports Gleaned by Press

Carrington and a neighbor were standing in front of his home where he lived with his family in the Frankford section of Northeast Baltimore when two men wearing masks approached. The neighbor dropped his wallet and phone and ran across the street, he told Fox45 Keith Daniels.  Carrington ran in the opposite direction according to multiple reports.

A neighbor and friend of Carrington (Jabir Pasha) who lives near the corner at Todd Ave heard the shots and then saw the Carrington, prompted him to render aid, reported the Baltimore Sun. Pasha noted a gunshot wound to both arms and also one in the back.

WJZ spoke with neighbors and captured the prerequisite “I’m shocked” interviews from people who claimed the neighborhood is quiet and friendly.

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A total of six shots were fired in Carrington’s direction. A neighbor’s surveillance camera captured the sound of four shots in quick succession. After a 2-3 second silence, two more quick shots.  The “robber” chased only Carrington, who ran away from his home and his friend as his assailant gave chase.

Police quickly notified the public to be on the look out for a blue Acura that was seen fleeing the scene, which in Baltimore is tantamount for searching for a 5 feet 7 inch black man with a goatee – they’re everywhere. A similar non-description description was given for the suspect in Suiter’s murder, a black man wearing a hat and a black jacket – in November.  The reward for Carrington’s shooting is $19,000. Suiter’s broke records at over $200,000 and is still unclaimed.

In a city where anyone’s life could be snuffed out at any minute, having that reality apply to law enforcement officers is extremely unsettling. Add in that they were both black officers should arouse suspicion in an agency noted for its institutional racism.

Carrington was well known in his neighborhood and it was no secret he was an officer with the Baltimore Police department.  He was gunned down steps from his house while the person within arms reach received little attention from the robbers.

Baltimore residents deserve a legislature brave enough to insist that outside independent investigators  look into if anyone connected to LE could be responsible for the shooting of Carrington and the murder of Suiter.  In the upcoming election for mayor, any serious candidate must speak on the need to assure the public that no one from LE is actually targeting BPD.

Until taken off the table, concerned citizens are likely to believe that both Carrington and Suiter were targeted because of their affilitation with crooked cops who have an ongoing operation within BPD.  Just because the snake’s head was cut off when Wayne Jenkins was arrested (and kept his mouth shut) doesn’t mean the body of the snake isn’t slithering around the halls of easily one of the most corrupt police departments in US history.

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Sick and Tired of Being Sick and Tired: What That White Woman Say About Black Women?

What’s crystal clear is that veteran local news anchor Mary Bubala didn’t call ex Mayor Catherine Pugh a nigger.

Nor did she sexualize Stephanie Rawlings-Blake’s appearance, nor did she give the slightest hint suggesting SRB wasn’t smart enough for the job.

Never, ever did Bubala even utter Sheila Dixon and pickaninny in the same sentence.

But if she had said any of these things the conversation in public and private spaces would have been much different. So now people, black and white alike, are confused about what all the hubbub is about.

Because it intersects race, gender, and class issues in Baltimore, it’s really about a lot of things. And accordingly, the local media got it mostly wrong.

All Kinds of Wrong

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Former WJZ news anchor Mary Bubala

What Had Happened Wuz

With a black journalist on set of WJZ TV as a guest, Dr. Kaye Whitehead, who is an award winning documentary filmmaker and university professor, Bubala asked whether it was time to move away from black woman as mayoral candidates considering the failures (in Bubala’s opinion) of each of the three: Sheila Dixon (resigned), Stephanie Rawlings-Blake (did not seek re-election) and Catherine Pugh (resigned).

Social media exploded.  Journalists from a professional association (BABJ) dedicated to mentoring and establishing standards for their members drew first blood:

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Not Everybody Is Mad Tho

I’m going to talk to my people first. People, my people:

Catherine Pugh’s side hustle was a breach of trust.  I heard ya’ll say: she sold #HealthyHolly books and got a half million dollars?  Damn girl!

But this isn’t a “don’t hate the player, hate the game” type of scenario.

Gaming the system became an art form for us ever since the US defaulted on our 40 acres and a mule.

Sometimes, we know, we just gotta get ours. But in Pugh’s case she was the system, and took an oath to make the system work for the same people she swore to protect and lift up. Then she allegedly used her position to line her own pockets.

What Catherine Pugh Did Wrong

True you might say, Cathy’s game was not as strong as all the white male mayors who have likely done worse.  You might also say she broke the cardinal rule: she forgot who she was, who she was playing with, and flew a little to close to the sun.  You might even say Pugh deserved to be forced to resign i.e. fired for being so blatant with her ratchetness.

Privately I hear you say Sheila and Cathy made us look bad and maybe we need to go back to white male leadership. But when I really listen, I hear ya’ll’s pain.  As notable journalist Lisa Snowden- McCray said recently on a WYPR broadcast: “It’s sad”

We are embarrassed and ashamed. Wearily, we become more than willing to return to pointing fingers at “the man” and grumbling about how he is keeping us down.

We don’t get that many chances. Which is why Mary Bubala’s comments stung.

Baltimore City has had “ …three female, African-American mayors in a row…Is it a signal that a different kind of leadership is needed to move Baltimore City forward?”  – Mary Bubala

Across racial lines, sympathy for 15 year veteran CBS affiliate news anchor Mary Bubala is palpable and growing. A change.org petition has been started to get her back on the air.

What’s Really Wrong is … With Journalism

My source for taking the pulse of Baltimore is my mom.  Larry Young hasn’t talked about it on his show as I sit here writing, so of course, she didn’t know anything about it. She lives in senior community and the gossip spread through there like a California wildfire. So I showed her the Sun article.

According to the sage woman who raised me (and I’m paraphrasing):

[Bubala] said what she felt. What’s wrong with that? All the callers to Larry Young feel the exact same way, and they’re black.  People want to move way from black leadership, because the three mayors were failures. We had our chance, according to my mom.  She shouldn’t get fired. Everybody is saying the same thing. The Pugh ordeal was so over the top. It was the straw that broke the camel’s back.

Understandably, the Loyola of Maryland professor, Dr. Karsona “Kaye” Whitehead prefers to discuss what can be learned from the bias displayed as discussed in a May 8 Baltimore Magazine interview.

I’m willing to accept that Mary Bubala’s apology that it wasn’t her best day, and she wasn’t as artful as she would have liked. I’ll even give her a pass for allowing an opinion slip into her questioning.

I am no way excusing WJZ’s decision to not permit Bubala to offer her apology on air or effectively engage in dialogue with the public she has served for 15 years for an utterance that will stain her career. Audra Swain, pictured above right, is WJZ’s general manager.

 

Likewise, there is absolutely no pass for the Baltimore Sun in treating the story as one of her firing and not one about the role of journalists, their ethics, duty to objectivity and struggles with bias.  The editorial staff, namely Tricia Bishop (above left)  continues to miss the point as it makes it an ideological difference in calling the conversation a left wing vs right wing debate.

There should be an apology to residents of Baltimore by both WJZ and The Baltimore Sun. However, I kind of expect one from the former that precede’s Bubala’s likely return, but I won’t hold my breath waiting for anything close an acknowledgment from the latter.